A forgotten victim of the recent atrocities in France was a man who devoted his life to law enforcement and the pursuit of justice. Whether he ended his life by his own hand as a tragic consequence of depression that can be attributed to unknown circumstances does not take away the years of dedicated service to his country and the contributions which he made to the endeavor of a just society.  The facts and circumstances surrounding his death are worthy of critical examination in hopes of preventing future losses.



Helric Fredou was a veteran officer (OCJ) of the Judicial Police a component of France’s National Police since 1997. His untimely demise was January 8, 2015 recorded as approximately 0100 hours Thursday morning. It remains unclear as to the time his lifeless body was first discovered, what has been revealed through public sources is his next of kin was first notified at around 0500 hours.
Assuming this notification was done in a timely manner consistent with standard investigative protocols when a fellow officer has fallen, this would place the discovery within one hour or 0400 hours.
According to subsequent interviews Commissioner Fredou recieved a telephone call at his domicile wherupon he left soon therafter, arriving at his office around 11:25 on the evening of the massacre. (Wednesday 7, January) At that time there was mobilized over 88,000 law enforcement and soldiers involved in a nation wide man-hunt for two very dangerous armed killers. After meeting with his team and receiving the latest updates on progress he entered his office purportedly to begin a report.
Although unspecified in news accounts we may assume that a law enforcement professional (colleague) first entered the crime scene.  France is a country reknown for criminalistic skills and the National Police are among the worlds finest.  For that reason it is unlikely that anyone would have processed the crime scene with a predetermined assumption. Commissioner Fredou was clearly dead with no reason to apply first-aid and no reason to summon a medical ambulance. Also there would be no reason to investigate with any dileniation from a homicide at that point.
The reconstructed time frame would indicate that forensic photography probably would have started their time consuming duties after arrival and set-up no earlier than 0500 hours. Forensic photography has come along ways since a French investigator by the name of Bertillion first pioneered it. It is a rigid scientific discipline requiring years of study. Keep in mind that at this point the investigation is identical to that of a homicide. A National Police Commissioner found dead while armed killers are on the loose! In addition to hundreds of photographs the bullet which passed through his skull would have to be found and tested to determine whether in fact it was discharged from the Sig-Sauer service weapon found near Helrics body. It is likely to have taken hours to complete the processing of the crime scene. While that was happening investigators were dispatched to the Commissioners domicile to obtain his personal computer, cell-phone and other items to aid in the investigation. Because of the nature of the death from apparent gun-shot wound to the cranium entrance forehead, the deceadants hands would be tied off in air tight bags to preserve possible gunshot residues before placement in a body bag and ready for transport to a facility where the autopsy could be performed. Reconstructed time frame would be around 0800 transport time. Assuming that a full forensic autopsy would be performed and toxicology tests done to determine whether chemical substances played a role or whether Commissioner Fredou had any physical ailments causing severe pain as a possible contributing factor, quite possibly 6 hours, which would bring us to 1600 hours. The determination of suicide is made by analysis from a combination of autopsy findings and investigative evidence.
The first public television news broadcast of Commissioner Fredous announced suicide was at 11:24; a subsequent public notification was made at 12:09 in a regional newspaper. Helrics next of kin were not allowed to view his body until late afternoon. The decision to rubberstamp suicide as cause of death whether than wait for completion of the process is apparent. One regional newspaper alluded to a previous suicide in Nov. 2013 that the Commissioner himself had discovered of a colleague in an apparent attempt to show a corollary or maybe as if suicide is an infection. The same newspaper reported that Helric was depressed and burned out evidenced by the fact that his superiors had requested that he turn in his service hand-gun. Also reported on various sites was that Helric was in charge of the Hebdo investigation. The command and control of French law enforcement is complex with overlapping jurisdictional authorities, the Gendarmerie falls under direct control of the Interior Minister although still retaining its designation as a military force structure. Within that Group there is RAID, and Paris Perfecture also is under direct control of the Interior Ministry so clearly Helric was not in overall command of the nationwide investigation. Perhaps there was a turf war which would explain the friction that was reported concerning the telephone call Fredou answered on that fateful night. Helric was well aquainted with the Interior Minister who is also mayor of Cherbourg where Helric was posted during his career. (2010-2012)
The statement released to the press of Fredous death would have to have been approved from the Office of the Interior Ministry. The investigative officers and pathologist would have been informed publicly that the state viewed the death as a suicide, rendering the investigation as open to criticism concerning a predetermined finding.
In the morning of 8 January 2015 around 0800 hours, yet another French police officer was killed. Clarissa Jean-Philippe age 26 was gunned down in Montrouge, a suburb   just two and a half miles from downtown Paris, while on call to a vehicular accident. Information and details were still incoming at 11:24 the time Fredous death was announced. For its part mainstream news failed to render any accounts of the Commissioners death until days later when it emerged. The press conferences (2) held by the Interior Minister Bernard Cazeneuve, on 8, January did not make mention of Helrics name or fate.
Perhaps it is the open and shut manner of this investigation which has helped give rise to charges of governmental complicity from Jean-Marie Le Pen who in an interview suggested that the Hebdo murders bore the signature of the secret services. While dismissed by poliical opponents with the typical conspiracy theory label, state interests are clearly being advanced from the crisis. Within days Jews were being asked to resettle in occupied Palestine as a continuation of The One Million Plan, indeed 10,000 French citizens are expected to heed this call in 2015 as France is being portrayed as a hostile and dangerous enviroment for those of the Jewish faith. Those in France who look upon the cartoon charactarization depicted in the Hebdo magazine of the Prophet Mohammed (PBUH) as neither praisworthy nor commendable are being marginalized and their patriotism questioned. Being anti-Islam is now politically correct in France as well as the western world. The reality of current documented events and the aftermath had they been foretold also could easily have been dismissed as conspiracy theories and ignored; and were.
The government of France policy of arming a fantasy group of insurgents who will topple the Syrian government and bring a land flowing with milk and honey is itself a ridiculous and absurd conspiracy theory, based on wishful thinking and a strong dose of delusion. A reality check might include the current state of affairs in Libya and Iraq.


For years Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and members of his secular government have been warning the western world of the dangers of fueling the takfiri extremists in their quest to reestablish colonial control over the ME. These warnings and appeals to the West to abide by international law were and are ignored. Rather than restrict and impede the flow of French radicalized extremists, the French government supports them. This newly created narrative of free speech being the cause of consequences from years of failed policy is being used and exploited for short sighted political gain and obsfusication purposes. It certainly is not a conspiracy theory at all that French secret services have combined to arm those whom the French government now claim to fight. The strategy by the west of igniting sectarian war in Syria has failed, the people of Syria see themselves first as Syrian whether Moslem Sunni, Shia or Orthodox Christian thereby setting an example to France on how to peacefully coexist.
In conclusion it should be noted that the two Couachi brothers had lived for years in the Limoges area which was within Commissioner Fredous jurisdiction and that they had been placed under watch which also would have been known to Helric.


Although the official story suggests that the authorities lost track of the now dead brothers maybe there was evidence to show that there was still current info in their files which showed otherwise. As far as the report which Fredou was preparing, it disappeared and there was no suicide note.
Even now because of a clamp down on information about Fredous’ death in France most of those protesting for free speech dont realize the censorship imposed on them by those who march under it’s banner.
The Fredou Affair calls into question the duplicitous and schitzophrenic nature of Western nations foreign policies viz a vis the Middle East. Conflicts of interest and turf wars are the result. Domestic law enforcement agencies are increasingly being throttled and impeded by their own nations secret services who maintain a supportive role of radical extremists who are viewed and used as useful idiots. Had the Couachi brothers caused murder and mayhem in Syria, it is likely the western press would have presented them as rebels and their acts as strikes thus sanctioning what they condemn within their own borders.

Forensic Sciences Institute of the French Gendamerie (FSIFG), Rosny Sous Bois, France
Name of institute (national language)
Institut de Recherche Criminelle de la Gendarmerie Nationale (IRCGN)
Name of institute (English language)
Forensic Sciences Institute of the French Gendamerie (FSIFG)
Colonel François DAOUST (sincejune 1st, 2009)
ENFSI’s permanent representative
Colonel François DAOUST (since june 1st, 2009)
1 boulevard Théophile
93111 Cedex
Rosny Sous Bois
+33 (0)1 58 66 50 20
+33 (0)1 58 66 50 27
Founded in 1987
National scientific agency under the administrative supervision of the General, head of the French Gendarmerie
Accreditation since 2007 based on NF EN ISO/CEI 17025
ENFSI member since 1992 (founding member)
Managerial data (2010)
Total staff: 250 full time equivalents (fte)
Reporting forensic experts: 150
Support budget: 4,5 million €
Investment Budget: 600.000 €
Case load :
119777 cases
129.674 exhibits/items examined
66.97797.502 expert reports
Case load :
119777 cases
129.674 exhibits/items examined
66.97797.502 expert reports
Fields of expertise
IRCGN offers a unique scope of expertise in forensic sciences. It is organized as follows:
One division for administrative and logistic support
Three forensic divisions each divided in four units:
Physics and chemistry:
ballistics, toxicology, micro-analysis, arsons, environnement and explosives
Engineering and digital:
signals, computers, vehicles, documents
Human identification:
fingerprints, biology, entomology, anthropology-thanatology-odontology
Biologic samples preservation service
Mass genetic analysis service
Two operational units
Disaster victims identification unit
National criminal investigation unit

Lab’Unic, the laboratory on wheels IRCGN


With its mobile laboratory, the Criminal Research Institute of the National Gendarmerie (IRCGN) has a projectable analysis tool on the whole territory.



This bus consists of a laboratory (2/3) and a command post (1/3). The “laboratory” allows, thanks to the carried materials (cabinet cyanoacrylate macroscoque comparison, ultraviolet spectrometer, infrared spectrometer, an ion scan, etc.), analyze directly on crime scenes or serious offenses collected clues by soldiers of the gendarmerie.


This mobile unit of analysis is in service since the beginning of this year.
Sources: SIRPA gendarmerie
Credits Photo: Police SIRPA
Contact: SIRPA Gendarmerie


Moscow calls on OSCE to be responsible for probe into crimes in Ukraine

Moscow calls on OSCE to be responsible for probe into crimes in Ukraine – Russian diplomat
Russia  October 11, 14:32 UTC+4
“All the parties should observe the Minsk agreements, fixed in the Protocol of September 5 and Memorandum of September 19”, Russia’s Ambassador to OSCE Andrei Kelin said

Donetsk region© TASS
MOSCOW, October 11. /TASS/. Moscow is calling on the Organisation for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) to undertake responsibility for investigations in crimes committed in Ukraine, and not just to observe what Kiev is doing or not for that, Russia’s Ambassador to OSCE told a meeting of Organisation’s Permanent Council on Saturday.
The shelling is less intensive, “but it continues.”
“Civilians are being killed in Donetsk, Lugansk, Gorlovka, in other cities and villages in Ukraine’s east,” he said.
“This grave violation of the international humanitarian law should be stopped.”
“The amount of crimes is increasing,” the diplomat continued. “This is also mentioned in the latest report of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. Some provisions of the report reflect the alarming situation in that country.”
“Those are first of all the proofs of mass violations of the international humanitarian law and the human rights by Ukrainian military and the many battalions like Aidar, Azov, Dnepr, Kiev-1 and Kiev-2.”
“Those are of killings, torture, kidnapping, arbitrary detention, sexual violence and other serious crimes,” he said. “UN observers report the growing numbers of killed civilians, including children, in the non-selective shelling the Ukrainian military deliver on houses.”
The reports points to no results of probes into the mass killing in Maidan (Kiev’s Independence Square), in Odessa and Mariupol, to victims in the crash of Malaysia’s Boeing.
“Despite the measures Kiev is declaring, there are still no results of independent investigations,” he said. “Moreover, the document reads the Ukrainian investigators have been falsifying or destroying the proofs – first of all the bullets used in the clashes in Maidan.”
Russia hopes next reports “will reflect new evidences of the crimes committed by the Ukrainian military, including information about mass graves of civilians found in the Donetsk region.”
The ambassador pointed to the problems with the exchange of detained persons.
“Unacceptable are the attempts to hide proofs of inhuman treating prisoners, to “get” the required numbers of people to be exchanged by organising new arrests on suspicion of “sympathy for separatists”.”
“It is important that international organisations, including OSCE, are not only observing what the Ukrainian authorities are doing or not doing, but undertake responsibility for impartial and just investigations,” the Russian diplomat said. “It is already high time to stop accusing of everything the militia and to be excusing the Ukrainian law enforcers at the same time.”
Also Kelin said, that supporting Kiev’s “party of war” is a way to catastrophe, past visits of the U.S. emissaries were followed by escalation of violence, by active punitive operations. We hope, this time Washington’s instructions are aimed at support of the peace process
“The major task now is to favour by all possible means stopping violence in Ukraine,” he said. “All the parties should observe the Minsk agreements, fixed in the Protocol of September 5 and Memorandum of September 19.”
“This is a base for transition for the national, open dialogue featuring all regions and political forces,” he said. “By only reaching national peace could be possible firm stable situation in Ukraine.”
Any calls for resuming the military operation, especially on the eve of the upcoming parliamentary elections, support in any form of the “party of war” are ways to catastrophe, the ambassador said.
“We could not leave unnoticed the meetings in Kiev (of the U.S. Assistant Secretary of State) Victoria Nuland. Past visits of American emissaries to Ukraine, as a rule, were followed by escalation of violence, by active punitive operations. We hope, this time Washington’s instructions are aimed at support of the peace process.”
The alarming events in Ukraine, he said, “are on the background of the endless anti-Russian hysteria.”
“We have seen clearly, this line has been supported actively and even inspired from the outside,” he said. “All factors, which are inconvenient for Kiev, are announced “Russian propaganda”.”
Moscow reiterates the call “for directing efforts on support of peace processes in Ukraine.”
“Ceasefire in the country’s east should be irreversible,” the diplomat said. “It is the key precondition for stable settlement, for development of the Ukrainian national dialogue, for national peace.
Moscow is alarmed at statements from some Ukrainian officials, claiming following the lustration may come political murders.
“Punishers of the Azov battalion, who are declaring openly their Nazi views and are using Nazi symbols, now are in the avant-garde of “fighting monuments”,” he said.
“Now desecrated is the monument to victims of the Holocaust in Odessa. Odessa’s Jewish community reports extremists have beaten up over 20 Jews last month.”
“Attacked and beaten up severely was MP Nestor Schufrich. Nationalists throw into waste bins officials and candidates for parliament deputies.”
“Those must be the democratic inventions of the Ukrainian extremists, which, in their opinion, fit well the high “European standards”,” he said.
“Alarming is that some officials [Igor Kolomoisky’s assistant Boris Filatov] have declared already that following the “waste bin lustration” will come the time of political murders,” the Russian ambassador said.
“Extremely alarming are the methods Ukraine’s Security Service is using jointly with radical groups in fighting dissent (the UN report mentions 1,000 detained on charges of “subversive activities.”).”
There is a clear tendency radical elements, including activists of punitive battalions, are getting to the power by means of participating in the parliamentary elections, the Russian diplomat said.

WHITE BOOK ON VIOLATIONS OF HUMAN RIGHTS AND THE RULE OF LAW IN UKRAINE (APRIL 2014 — MID-JUNE 2014) Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

(APRIL 2014 — MID-JUNE 2014)
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation

Moscow June 2014


Formatted from WHITE BOOK pdf available here
Table of Contents

Introduction …………………………5
Violations of human rights and the principle of the rule of law
in the course of the so-called ‘anti-terrorist operation’ …………………7
Violations of the right to freedom of thought and belief, including political beliefs; the intimidation and kidnapping
of political opponents …………..29
Restrictions on freedom of the media
and journalist activities………… 41
Tragedy in Odessa ………………..51
The Snipers’ Case: a mock investigation,
violation of the right to the presumption of innocence
and of the right to a fair trial…….61
Ethnic and linguistic discrimination, xenophobia
and aggressive nationalism. Instigation of racism …………………………….67
Manifestations of religious intolerance, including threats
to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate ……….74
Conclusion …………………………79


After the publication of the first edition of the ‘White Book’ POSTED which summarized multiple factual violations of human rights and of the rule of law in Ukraine from the end of November 2013 to the end of March 2014, the political crisis in that country has gained momentum. A lack of willingness from the de-facto Kiev authorities to respect the legitimate interests of south-eastern Ukraine, and their tendency to speak with local people who come up with legitimate demands from a position of force, resulted in the further escalation of the intra-Ukrainian crisis. Carrying out a so-called ‘anti-terrorist operation’ — a retaliatory operation in fact — announced by the self-proclaimed Kiev authorities was followed by a dramatic increase in the number of serious human rights violations. As well as ‘post-Maidan’ human rights violations in Ukraine (violating the right to freedom of expression and restrictions on the freedom of the media, manifestations of extremist, ultra-nationalist and neo- Nazi sentiments, religious intolerance and xenophobia, the intimidation of political opponents, their ‘cleansings’ and arrests, repressions and physical violence), there are new problems such as the violation of the norms of international humanitarian law by Kiev, reflected by the use of heavy weaponry and military aircraft during the retaliatory operation in the east of the country that resulted in a large number of victims among civilians, the problem of internally-displaced persons and refugees, including children, and a difficult humanitarian situation in general.
We could not turn a blind eye to the horrible tragedy in Odessa on May 2 when, under the watch of local authorities, dozens of people were brutally murdered by Ukrainian ultra-nationalist and neo-Nazi militants. The only guilt these people had was that they had different political views on the future of Ukraine. Still, none of the people who committed this insidious crime has been punished yet.

We would like to hope that the investigation initiated by the Kiev authorities would not be protracted or politicized as happened with the so-called ‘sniper case’, when destructive fire in Kiev in February 2014 resulted in the same unidentified snipers killing both protesters and law-enforcement officers.
All these issues were reflected in the second edition of the ‘White Book’ on Ukraine. However, we did not set a difficult task of reflecting all the tragic events that happened in this country. Nevertheless, the facts cited are enough to come to the discouraging conclusion that Ukraine has faced the gravest human rights challenges to which Ukrainian authorities cannot yet provide adequate responses.
This study covers the period from April to mid-June 2014. Just as in the first edition, the results of a thorough monitoring of Ukrainian, Russian and some Western media; remarks and statements made by the Kiev authorities and their supporters; numerous evidences, including those posted on the Internet, as well as the materials collected by the Moscow Bureau for Human Rights, the Information Group of Crimes against the Person and the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission, were used as a factual basis.
Excerpts from the fundamental international instruments on human rights, whose universal provisions and norms have been violated in Ukraine during the indicated period, precede each section of this study.
As before, we believe that the main task of the second edition of the ‘White Book’ is to focus attention on the facts of the international community and key international human rights bodies, as well as relevant non-governmental organizations which have not yet shown proper and impartial attention to these issues.

Violations of human rights and the principle of the rule of law
in the course of the so-called ‘anti-terrorist operation’

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 3. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 5. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 7. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 9. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 13. 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. 2. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 14. 1. Everyone has the right to seek and to enjoy in other countries asylum from persecution. 2. This right may not be invoked in the case of prosecutions genuinely arising from non-political crimes or from acts contrary to the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 6. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 20. Any propaganda for war should be prohibited by law.
Article 26. All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law.

Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment (1984)

Article 1. For the purposes of this Convention, the term ‘torture’ means any act by which severe pain or suffering, whether physical or mental, is intentionally inflicted on a person for such purposes as obtaining from him or a third person information or a confession, punishing him for an act he or a third person has committed or is suspected of having committed, or intimidating or coercing him or a third person, or for any reason based on discrimination of any kind, when such pain or suffering is inflicted by or at the instigation of or with the consent or acquiescence of a public official or other person acting in an official capacity. It does not include pain or suffering arising only from, inherent in or incidental to lawful sanctions.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Article 3. No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 5. Right to liberty and security
Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be deprived of his liberty save in the following cases and in accordance with a procedure prescribed by law:
the lawful detention of a person after conviction by a competent court;
the lawful arrest or detention of a person for non-compliance with the lawful order of a court or in order to secure the fulfillment of any obligation prescribed by law;
the lawful arrest or detention of a person effected for the purpose of bringing him before the competent legal authority on reasonable suspicion of having committed an offence or when it is reasonably considered necessary to prevent his committing an offence or fleeing after having done so;
the detention of a minor by lawful order for the purpose of educational supervision or his lawful detention for the purpose of bringing him before the competent legal authority;
the lawful detention of persons for the prevention of the spreading of infectious diseases, of persons of unsound mind, alcoholics or drug addicts or vagrants;
the lawful arrest or detention of a person to prevent his effecting an unauthorised entry into the country or of a person against whom action is being taken with a view to deportation or extradition.
Everyone who is arrested shall be informed promptly, in a language which he understands, of the reasons for his arrest and of any charge against him.
Everyone arrested or detained in accordance with the provisions of paragraph 1.c of this article shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorised by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release pending trial. Release may be conditioned by guarantees to appear for trial.
Everyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings by which the lawfulness of his detention shall be decided speedily by a court and his release ordered if the detention is not lawful.
Everyone who has been the victim of arrest or detention in contravention of the provisions of this article shall have an enforceable right to compensation.
Protocol Additional to the Geneva Conventions of 12 August 1949, and relating to the Protection of Victims of Non-International Armed Conflicts (Protocol II), 8 June 1977
Article 4. All persons who do not take a direct part or who have ceased to take part in hostilities are entitled to respect for their person, honour and convictions and religious practices. The following acts against the persons referred to are prohibited: violence to the life, health and physical or mental wellbeing of persons, cruel treatment, torture, corporal punishment, acts of terrorism, pillage, threats, outrages, humiliating and degrading treatment or threats to commit any of the foregoing acts, children shall be provided with the care and aid they require, and in particular education, including religious and moral education, living and reunion with their parents.
Article 13. The civilian population and individual civilians shall enjoy general protection against the dangers arising from military operations, the civilian population shall not be the object of attack.
Article 14. The starvation of civilians as a method of combat is prohibited. It is therefore prohibited to attack, destroy, remove or render useless, for that purpose, objects indispensable to the survival of the civilian population, such as foodstuffs, agricultural areas for the production of foodstuffs, crops, livestock, drinking water installations and supplies and irrigation works.

Starting from April 2014, the de facto authorities in Kiev that overthrew the legitimate and incumbent President, Viktor Yanukovych, following the coup d’état and the forceful seizure of power, began to use the phrase ‘anti-terrorist operation’ with regard to their actions in the Donetsk, Lugansk and Kharkov regions, thus preferring forceful repression of dissident Ukrainian citizens to political dialogue.
April 7, 2014. In response to the occupation of public institutions in the east of Ukraine and the declaration of sovereignty by the ‘Donetsk People’s Republic’, the acting President of Ukraine, A. Turchynov, declared the beginning of the “anti-terrorist operation” on the territory of the Donetsk, Lugansk and Kharkov regions.
At the same time, the self-declared Ukrainian authorities very soon faced the problem of shortages of ways and means for their forceful influence over the citizens of south-east Ukraine: law-enforcement agencies were destroyed and left dispirited by the new Kiev authorities themselves, while the combat capacities of the Ukrainian army raised big doubts. Under such conditions they relied mainly on the continuation of cooperation between the interim Ukrainian government and radical nationalists and neo-Nazis from the ‘‘Right Sector’’.
Moreover, the de facto authorities in Kiev legalized the process of engaging the former ‘Maidan Self-Defence’ participants into Ukraine’s law-enforcement agencies. For this purpose, in March 2014, Ukraine’s National Guard was created, incorporating representatives of the nationalist forces who had not been related to law enforcement authorities in the past.
One more method of the forceful suppression of protest sentiment in south-east Ukraine was the active engagement of foreign mercenaries from private military companies.
April 7, 2014. The arrival was observed of an aeroplane carrying approximately 150 foreign servicemen at Donetsk airport, presumably from the U.S. private military company ‘Greystone Limited’.
April 12, 2014. The “Right Sector” leader D. Yarosh encouraged, in his video message, all the structures of the “Right Sector” to mobilize and get ready to protect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Ukraine.
April 13, 2014. The acting President of Ukraine, A. Turchynov, stated that the National Security and Defence Council of Ukraine (NSDC) had decided to launch ‘a large-scale anti-terrorist operation with the involvement of the armed forces of the country’. It is illustrative that the decision was announced the day after the Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, John Brennan, visited Kiev.
April 13, 2014. Ukraine’s acting Minister of Internal Affairs, Arsen Avakov, announced the creation of ‘a corps of special divisions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs on the basis of civilian components’. He stated on his Facebook page that ‘the Ministry of Internal Affairs is ready to engage more than 12,000 people all over the country to new special divisions and provide them with weapons and equipment and ensure their management by career officers’.
The decree to form a special battalion in the Lugansk region (‘Vostok’) was signed first; then similar units were created in Dnepropetrovsk (‘Dnepr’), Odessa (‘Shtorm’), and Nikolaev (‘Svyatoy Nikolay’). Special battalions formed in Kharkov were named ‘Kharkov’ and ‘Slobozhanshchyna’.
The specific character of such units is their improvised nature (battalions accept people who, for the most part, do not have law-enforcement experience, including the representatives of radical nationalist and neo-Nazi organizations: the former Euromaidan participants). Besides, financing of these units and management of their activity is carried out by the ‘governor-oligarchs’ appointed to the south- eastern regions by Kiev. Thus these formations are, in fact, ‘private’ units without any obligations to follow instructions and can neglect existing legislation.
April 13, 2014. Upon entry to Slavyansk (Donetsk region) the ‘Right Sector’ militants initiated an exchange of fire with the ‘People’s Militia of Donbass’ fighters. One person was killed and nine people were wounded.
April 14, 2014. The acting President of Ukraine, A. Turchynov, signed decree No. 405/2014 on the ‘implementation of the NSDC decision of April 13, 2014 ‘on urgent measures to address the terrorist threat and to preserve the territorial integrity of Ukraine’.
April 14, 2014. According to Kiev’s decision, fresh water supplies from Ukraine to the Republic of Crimea of the Russian Federation through the North Crimean Channel were cut to a third under a vague pretext (suggesting the supporting documents had been incorrectly completed). According to the First Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Crimea, Rustam Temirgaliev, the direct order to cut water supplies to Crimea was given by the Deputy Head of the Presidential Administration, Andriy Senchenko, who was appointed by the Verkhovna Rada.
April 14–15, 2014 (night). Unknown people set fire to the administration building in the village of Andreevka in the suburbs of Slavyansk. The building was completely burned down.
April 16, 2014. The Donetsk region saw clashes between locals and the armed forces sent by the Kiev regime to repress the dissidents:
In Mariupol, Ukrainian military men shot at locals who tried to enter the grounds of military unit 3057 from Ukraine’s internal forces. Three people were killed, thirteen people were wounded;
In Kramatorsk, a Ukrainian army airborne fighting vehicle opened fire on opponents to the new Kiev authorities. Three people were wounded.
April 16, 2014. The first attempt of the “anti-terrorist operation” in Slavyansk and Kramatorsk failed completely. Subdivisions of the 25th Dnepropetrovsk Airborne Brigade entered Kramatorsk where they were blocked by the locals. After talks, the column consisting of six units of armoured vehicles under the colours of Russia and the Donetsk People’s Republic headed to Slavyansk. In Slavyansk, the vehicles were left to the local militia and some troops returned to their permanent garrison. The next day, the acting President of Ukraine, A. Turchynov, ordered the brigade be disbanded for ‘cowardice and laying down arms’.
April 16, 2014. In Odessa, Ukrainian law-enforcement officers detained the “Right Sector” militants in whose car the bits, helmets, protective equipment and ‘Molotov cocktails’ were found.
April 17, 2014. In Geneva, following the quadripartite meeting of representatives from Russia, the U.S., the EU and Ukraine, the initial steps were approved to de-escalate tensions in south-east Ukraine providing, inter alia, that all parties should refrain from any acts of violence, intimidation and provocation. The Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs stated that, pursuant to the Geneva agreements, Kiev authorities would suspend the active phase of the “anti-terrorist operation”. However, this statement was immediately disavowed with a declaration by Ukraine’s acting Foreign Minister, Andrey Deshchytsia, who said that the military operation in the East of Ukraine would be conducted until the protesters were completely disarmed.
April 17, 2014. Near the village of Sergeevka (Donetsk region), Ukrainian servicemen fired at the roadblocks erected by Ukrainian federalization supporters. Several people were injured.
April 17, 2014. In the town of Izyum (Kharkov region), under the ‘anti-terrorist operation’ declared by the Kiev regime, about 1,000 Ukrainian servicemen were deployed. The soldiers were not supplied with food, they had to maraud and plunder local grocery stores.
April 17, 2014. In the Donetsk region, Ukrainian servicemen took the villagers of Kutuzovka as hostages. They were required to provide fuel for military vehicles. They were undressed to their underwear, beaten and abused. All these acts were captured on mobile phone cameras. The villagers were released in exchange for diesel (one litre per person) until finally the police intervened. According to the victims, some of the ‘Ukrainian’ servicemen understood neither Russian nor the Ukrainian language and spoke nothing but English.
April 18, 2014. In Slavyansk, a cache of arms and with “Right Sector” symbols was found. Among the weapons were clusters with unknown gas, two pistols, two kilogrammes of trotyl, improvised detonators, wires and radio sets.
April 18, 2014. The Crimean Basin Department of Water Resources said that Ukraine had totally cut the supply of fresh water to the territory of the Republic of Crimea of the Russian Federation.
April 19, 2014. In the River Torets and near the village of Raygorodok (near Slavyansk) police officers found the bodies of two men with signs of torture. The locals were convinced it was done by “Right Sector” militants, known for their cruelty, and who a few days earlier had arrived in Slavyansk with the Ukrainian servicemen. Later the Ukrainian Interior Ministry press office said that, after identifying one of the two bodies, it was established that it was of the Gorlovka Town Council deputy Vladimir Rybak from the Bat’kovschina party.
April 20, 2014 (night). The Easter truce was violated when, at one of the roadblocks through which people were allowed in to Slavyansk, local citizen soldiers were fired upon from a convoy of vehicles they had stopped. As a result of that fight, two unarmed activists and one citizen soldier were killed and three people were injured. Citizen soldiers who arrived came as soon as the alarm was raised managed to seize two of the attackers’ vehicles in which they found foreign-made firearms, an aerial survey map of the area and a numbered badge of a “Right Sector” member. According to the law-enforcement authorities, 12 attackers left the scene of the incident and headed towards the Kharkov region, taking with them their dead and injured people.
April 22, 2014. The ‘acting president’ of Ukraine, Aleksander Turchynov, demanded that the power structures renew the special operation in the east of the country. Ukrainian Security Service press secretary Marina Ostapenko stated that ‘the operation had not been scaled down and its active part had been suspended for the holidays.’ It is worth noting that these statements were made immediately after U.S. Vice President Joe Biden left Kiev following his visit to Ukraine.
April 23, 2014. Ukraine’s Acting Vice-Prime Minister Vitaly Yarema said that the ‘active phase’ of special operations in the eastern regions had resumed. According to him, it was done ‘in accordance with the order’ of Aleksander Turchinov. Yarema added that the law enforcement authorities ‘were trying to eliminate all groups’ in Kramatorsk, Slavyansk and other towns and cities in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions.
April 23, 2014. “Right Sector” leader Dmitry Yarosh said, at a press conference in Dnepropetrovsk, that he would not occupy himself with his presidential election campaign, but rather would focus on ‘the struggle against separatism.’ He declared the beginning of the formation of a special battalion, ‘Donbass’, in the Donetsk region, with the approval of the heads of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council, the Interior Ministry and the Security Service. According to Yarosh, the ‘special unit’ would consist of the activists and trained fighters from the “Right Sector” who are ready to assist in conducting the special operation of the Interior Ministry and the Security Service in south-east Ukraine. He also announced that his
headquarters would be transferred from Kiev to Dnepropetrovsk. ‘In fact, we fulfilled the dream of many Ukrainians, and the Bandera Army at last crossed the Dnieper,’ said Dmitry Yarosh.
April 23, 2014. In Cherkassk (Dnepropetrovsk region), the Ukrainian reservists who, under the threat of criminal prosecution were mobilized by the Kiev regime in the 93rd Separate Motorized Brigade to participate in the suppression of residents’
demonstrations in the south-east, rebelled. They expressed dissatisfaction with conditions in their camp, as well as with the fact that their families had been left without a livelihood. Many of the reservists after their ‘mobilization’ were dismissed from their jobs and the State does not provide any assistance to their wives and children. Initially, the term of training was 10 days, but people had been held in the camp for more than a month. Moreover, many of them did not agree to possibly fight against their own people.
April, 23–24, 2014 (night). In Mariupol (Donetsk region), a group of radical nationalists of about 30 men armed with pistols, bits and pieces of weaponry broke into the Town Council building, which was controlled by federalization supporters. The militants beat the unarmed people who were inside and ransacked it. 5 people were seriously injured.
April 24, 2014. Ukrainian servicemen attempted to assault Slavyansk. Special Forces entered the city supported by helicopters and armoured vehicles. 5 citizen soldiers were killed, some people were injured. Having captured and destroyed 3 of the federalization supporters’ roadblocks, the Ukrainian servicemen retreated.
April 24, 2014. Russian Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu said that a grouping of the Ukrainian troops of more than 11,000 was engaged in a military operation conducted in south-east Ukraine. About 160 tanks, more than 230 infantry combat vehicles and armoured personnel carriers, no fewer than 150 guns and mortars, military helicopters and aircraft were involved in the operation. Units from the National Guard and battalions composed of “Right Sector” extremists engaged to fight against civilians. Demonstrations by the civilians were suppressed by soldiers from Security Service Special Forces and the Ukraine Interior Ministry who were redeployed in Donetsk and Lugansk.
April 25, 2014. “Right Sector” leader Dmitry Yarosh appealed to the ‘acting president’ Aleksander Turchinov demanding the mass arming of the population.
April 26, 2014. Ukraine completely blocked the gateways of the North Crimean Channel through which water was supplied from the Dnieper River to the Crimean Peninsula.
April 28, 2014. The “Right Sector” demanded that the Ukraine Interior Ministry arm the soldiers of the ‘Donbass’ special battalion formed by the radicals. A request to that effect was sent to the acting Interior Minister, Arsen Avakov.
April 30, 2014. Ukraine’s acting President, Alexander Turchinov, met the heads of the State Regional Administrations in Kiev and instructed them to establish ‘territorial self-defense battalions’
composed of ‘patriots of the country prepared to take up arms to protect Ukraine’ in each region. However, the existing laws of Ukraine do not contain any provisions allowing the establishment of such armed units.
May 1, 2014. Ukraine National Guard fighters fired at the Donbass self-defense forces’ checkpoint into the town of Krasnoarmeisk (Donetsk region). 11 unarmed locals who were guarding the checkpoint were seized and taken to an unknown location.
May 2, 2014. The Ukrainian armed forces began to attack the city of Slavyansk, assisted by extremists from the “Right Sector” and other ultra-nationalist organizations. In the course of the retaliatory operation, Ukrainian security forces used combat helicopters and armoured vehicles. English was spoken in their radio communications, and fighters armed with U.S.-made M16 rifles were seen among the attackers. The “Right Sector” fighters who entered the city outskirts plundered food stores and broke into houses searching for militia members. Ukrainian armed forces completely blocked Slavyansk and did not allow women and children to leave the town.
May 2, 2014. In the township of Yasnogorka (Donetsk region) unarmed locals tried to stop an armoured formation from the Ukrainian armed forces. To disperse the people, the troops fired ammunition into the air. An armoured personnel carrier ran down an elderly man who was taken to hospital in a state of shock and with both his legs fractured.
May 2, 2014. The Ukrainian authorities unilaterally banned Russian air companies from flying to Donetsk and Kharkov. The Federal Air Transport Agency noted that this was an unprecedented violation of international air traffic arrangements, infringed the rights of passengers and led to a humanitarian blockade of residents of the south-eastern regions of Ukraine.
May 3, 2014. During hostilities in Slavyansk, 15 militia members were killed, of whom 11 were unarmed.
May 3, 2014. The Ukrainian security forces launched a special operation in the city of Kramatorsk (Donetsk region). Armed people with no insignias tried to ‘clear’ the town from ‘separatists’.
In the Kramatorsk suburbs, National Guard fighters killed 21-year-old nurse Yulia Izotova and three of her friends. The young people were trying to drive to a safe place, when their car was shot at with automatic guns. All those in the car were killed.
According to the Health Department of the Donetsk State Regional Administration, the hostilities in Kramatorsk took the lives of 6 people, while 15 more were injured by bullets and taken to hospitals.
May 3, 2014. Late in the evening Ukrainian security forces assaulted the premises of the City Council of Mariupol (Donetsk region) which erupted in flames. The assault was repelled by militia.
May 3, 2014. A source in the Ukrainian Interior Ministry said that the acting Interior Minister, Arsen Avakov, and the head of the Ukraine Security Service, Valentin Nalivaichenko, on April 29, 2014, had instructed the Migration Service to issue 300 Ukrainian passports as soon as possible for citizens in the Baltic states and Poland who could enter Ukraine in order to act as advisers and field commanders in punitive operations against the protesters in the east.
May 4, 2014. Germany’s Bild newspaper wrote that the Kiev authorities are being advised by numerous officials from U.S. special services such as the CIA and FBI. They ‘assist Kiev in suppressing the uprisings in the east of Ukraine and establishing security structures’
May 5, 2014. Ukrainian security forces engaged in a massive attack against Slavyansk. The heaviest fighting took place near the village of Semyonovka, at the entrance to the city. Ultra-nationalists who formed the backbone of Ukraine’s National Guard, acted with the utmost cruelty. They fired guns against residential houses and did not hesitate to shoot unarmed people. Over 20 citizen soldiers and civilians were killed, dozens were injured and city hospitals were overcrowded.
May 5, 2014. Cities and towns of east Ukraine, blocked by Ukrainian armed forces, verged on a humanitarian catastrophe, as medical supplies and blood for transfusions were lacking and a shortage of food supplies began.
David-Pierre Marquet, the International Red Cross (ICRC) Public Relations Officer for Europe and Central Asia, said that the cities of Slavyansk and Kramatorsk were in desperate need of medical supplies. According to Marquet, other cities and towns in east Ukraine were also suffering from a lack of medical supplies. In particular, Lugansk lacked antibiotics. There also was a shortage of medical supplies in Donetsk and Odessa.
May 5, 2014. Major Ukrainian commercial bank, Privatbank, belonging to Igor Kolomoiskiy (the Ukrainian oligarch funding Euromaidan and the “Right Sector”) suspended its activities in the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. This bank serviced over 400,000 retired people and 220,000 recipients of other social benefits in the
Donetsk and Lugansk regions. As a result, people in these regions faced major difficulties with receiving their pensions, students’ allowances and remuneration.
May 6, 2014. It was reported that Ukraine’s Security Service was preparing provocations with the use of Russian military uniforms. About 200 Russian military outfits and 70 forged IDs of Russian armed forces’ officers were brought from the Khmelnitski region to Donetsk. An anonymous source in a Ukrainian security agency said that the fighters were instructed to stage and film an attack against Ukrainian border guards using Russian military uniform.
May 6, 2014. Andrey Parubiy, the Secretary of Ukraine’s National Security and Defense Council and former commandant of Euromaidan, signed a decree merging all ‘Maidan self-defense’ structures with either the Interior Ministry, National Guard and army or the reserve battalions being established at that moment. All the structures of the ‘Maidan self-defense’ were ordered to formalize their activities within 10 days.
This step was a direct violation of the Geneva agreements of April 17, 2014, which provided for, in one of its paragraphs, that illegal armed groups in Ukraine must be disarmed.
May 6–7, 2014 (night). Ukrainian armed forces opened fire on militia checkpoints at the entrance to the city of Mariupol, killing one and injuring about ten.
May 7, 2014 (morning). Ukrainian armed forces and “Right Sector” fighters seized the City Council premises in Mariupol which were controlled by militia. During the assault, gas was used against the people inside the building. As a result, 15 persons were taken to hospital with acute eye and inhalation injuries. Dozens of federalization supporters were detained by the police.
May 7, 2014. The Ukraine Interior Ministry announced the detention of Igor Kakidzyanov, the Defense Minister of the Donetsk People’s Republic. Later, photographs and videos were published online demonstrating Oleg Lyashko, a Ukrainian presidential candidate and leader of the Radical Party, personally subjecting the handcuffed and almost-naked Igor Kakidzyanov to brutal interrogation.
May 7, 2014. It was reported that Ukraine had started building a dam across the North Crimean Channel in the Kherson region to completely cut off the supply of water to the Republic of Crimea of the Russian Federation. From April 14, 2014, after Crimea had reunited with Russia, Ukraine cut the supply of water through the North Crimean Channel three times and, on April 26, closed its gates.
May 7, 2014. “Right Sector” fighters opened fire on the Prosecutor’s Office building, controlled by federalization supporters in the city of Severodonetsk (Lugansk region).
May 8, 2014. National Guard units seized the premises of the Mariupol City Executive Committee. When members of the public tried to approach, they were fired at without warning. One person was injured.
May 8, 2014. About 40 armed persons wearing black uniforms with no insignia set fire to the Izvarino Customs Control point on the Ukrainian side of the Russian- Ukrainian border, and escaped.
May 9, 2014. In Mariupol, Ukrainian troops and fighters from the Dnepr Battalion (which was established in Dnepropetrovsk and funded by Ukrainian oligarch Igor Kolomoiskiy) attempted an assault against the building of the City Division of the Interior Ministry, the staff of which refused to follow instructions from Kiev. Unarmed people tried to help the latter. Ukrainian security forces opened fire against the crowd, killing 9 and injuring 42 persons. The building was completely burned down. On the night of May 9–10, 2014, the City Executive Committee building was also partially burned.
May 9, 2014. In the city of Slavyansk a 12-year-old boy wearing the ribbon of St. George was severely injured by an unknown person with a gun.
May 10, 2014. Ukrainian security forces assaulted several Slavyansk self-defense posts, injuring 8 people.
May 11, 2014. Fighters from the National Guard Dnepr Battalion entered the city of Krasnoarmeisk. They began randomly shooting at local residents, killing 2 people.
May 11, 2014. German newspaper Bild wrote that the Ukrainian army and police included 400 serving mercenaries from Academi (formerly Blackwater in 2009), the private security services provider. The Donetsk People’s Republic militia repeatedly mentioned English-speaking foreigners taking part in combat operations in south- east Ukraine.
May 11, 2014. Near Baranovka (Lugansk region), a Ukrainian serviceman wounded a local citizen who tried to prevent the movement of armoured vehicles. The man was taken to hospital with gunshot wounds to both legs.
May 12, 2014. According to the Health Department of the Donetsk Regional State Administration, the ongoing armed confrontation between security forces and federalization supporters in south-east Ukraine that started on March 13, 2014, had
caused 49 deaths in the Donetsk region. Meanwhile, a total of 245 people were taken to the region’s hospitals with gunshot wounds and 150 of them hospitalized.
May 13, 2014. In violation of an agreement with the UN, three helicopters, coloured white and bearing UN identification marks, were used by Ukrainian servicemen against militia in a military operation near Kramatorsk. Earlier, these helicopters were involved in UN peacekeeping operations in African countries.
May 14, 2014. In the vicinity of the Alexandrovka settlement (near Kramatorsk) in the Donetsk region, Ukrainian servicemen opened fire without prior warning on a minivan and a car carrying locals returning early morning from a fishing trip. Two people died, two were wounded.
Another assault on civilians took place in the same region on the road between Novaya Varvarovka and Old Varvarovka. A 50-year-old woman and her son, who were travelling in a Niva car, were stopped by Ukrainian servicemen and cold- bloodedly shot. The woman died at the scene, her son survived but was severely wounded and taken to hospital. The assailants took the dead woman’s money and identity documents.
May 15, 2014. The Ukrainian army mortared private houses in Slavyansk. A 42-year-old resident was seriously wounded by projectile fragments.
May 16, 2014. The ‘People’s mayor’ of Slavyansk, V. Ponomarev, told a press conference that, during the punitive operation in south-east Ukraine, Kiev authorities involved mercenaries from a Polish private military company Analizy Systemowe Bartlomiej Sienkiewicz (ASBS, OTHAGO) and American protective services providers such as Greystone and Academi.
May 16, 2014. The First Deputy Prime Minister of the Donetsk People’s Republic, A. Purgin, accused Kiev authorities of hushing up the real number of the murdered and wounded in the “anti-terrorist operation”. ‘The bodies of dead locals are buried in nameless graves, and people with gunshot wounds and other injuries are afraid to resort to state medical institutions,’ said Purgin.
May 16–17, 2014 (night). During the assault of Slavyansk, Ukrainian servicemen, for the first time during the punitive operation, used heavy artillery (howitzers). Some shells hit residential districts, there are casualties. As a result of the artillery fire, the railway bridge in Andreyevka (near Slavyansk) was heavily damaged.
May 18, 2014. Militia from the Donetsk People’s Republic informed that one of the Ukrainian National Guard units stationed in Kramatorsk shot some of  their fellow countrymen who were conscript soldiers who refused to take part in the punitive operation and were going home.
May 19, 2014. The head Ukraine’s Internal Affairs Ministry, A. Avakov, informed that the payment of pensions and salaries to the inhabitants of Slavyansk and Kramatorsk was suspended.
May 19, 2014. Ukrainian National Guard militants stopped a coach en route between Kramatorsk and Slavyansk. There were mostly women on board; they were taken off the coach, forced to their knees, and interrogated.
May 19, 2014 (evening). Ukrainian servicemen shelled the outskirts of Slavyansk with howitzers and mortars, as well as a village of summer houses and an agricultural market. Several residential houses were damaged. Two militiamen were wounded; a local female resident received a serious wound in her head from a fragment.
May 20, 2014 (early morning). Ukrainian security forces resumed their mass shelling of Slavyansk from Karachun mountain, as a result of which several residential buildings were partially destroyed.
May 21, 2014. A Representative of the Donbass People’s Militia informed that the shelling of Slavyansk by Ukrainian security forces caused the razing of a residential building in the Vostochny district; three people were injured, two of them severely.
May 21–22, 2014 (night). The Ukrainian army checkpoint near the town of Volnovakha (Donetsk region), where recruits of the 51st voluntary brigade were on duty, who had earlier refused to shoot civilians, was attacked by National Guard gunmen supported by armoured vehicles and combat helicopters. Some arrived in PrivatBank cars belonging to the oligarch I. Kolomoyskiy. As a result, 16 Ukrainian servicemen died, over 40 were wounded.
May 21–22, 2014 (night). Ukrainian security forces conducted an artillery attack on Slavyansk. In the evening of May 22, 2014, the massive shelling of the town and the neighbouring village of Semyonovka resumed from the Ukrainian army checkpoint near the town of Krasnyi Liman. Several private homes were destroyed.
May 23, 2014. In the afternoon, Ukrainian security forces resumed shelling Slavyansk city centre. The three-storey building of a car servicing firm was destroyed, while several residential houses were damaged. The people inside were not badly injured but they were deafened by the blast wave.
May 23, 2014. In a hospital near Lisichansk (Lugansk region), Ukrainian security forces shot 30 Ukrainian servicemen for refusing to attack
civilians. According to the self-defense headquarters, there were “Right Sector” radicals acting in Lugansk region, financed by oligarch I. Kolomoyskiy.
May 25, 2014. Unknown people shot four cars carrying local citizens who were leaving Novoaydar in the Lugansk region. According to information received by the LifeNews TV channel from law-enforcement sources, one person died and three were wounded as a result.
May 25, 2014. In Novoayadar (Lugansk region), gunmen from the Dnepr detachment, financially supported by oligarch I. Kolomoyskiy, opened fire on unarmed members of a local election commission who refused to open a polling station for Ukraine’s presidential election.
May 25, 2014. A psychiatric hospital in Semyonovka near Slavyansk was partly destroyed as a result of shelling by Ukrainian security forces.
May 26, 2014. Three Ukrainian army combat helicopters fired on the Donetsk-based Tochmash plant. One person was injured in the shooting.
May 26, 2014. Donetsk self-defense forces and Ukrainian security forces clashed on the outskirts of Donetsk and in nearby settlements. As a result, one civilian, near the railway station, died of a fragment wound.
May 26, 2014. Ukrainian security forces positioned on Karachan mountain resumed shelling the Semyonovka settlement near Slavyansk. Two civilians became victims.
May 27, 2014. Donetsk City Mayor A. Lukyanchenko confirmed the deaths of at least 40 people in the army operation at Donetsk International Airport which was carried out with the use of Ukraine army assault aircraft.
May 27, 2014. All entrances to and exits from Donetsk were blocked by Ukrainian security forces who, on the motorway to Marioupol, prevented passage to passenger buses with people trying to leave the military operation area.
May 27, 2014. Authorities in the Donetsk People’s Republic informed that Ukrainian security forces opened fire on a truck carrying militiamen wounded in Donetsk. According to different data, between 24 and 35 people were killed.
May 27, 2014. Four people died as a result of shelling in Slavyansk by Ukrainian security forces. The head of Education at Slavyansk Town Council, A. Zubarev, informed that the issue of ending the school year early was being discussed due to the active phase of the Ukrainian army operation in the south-east of the country.
May 28, 2014. Shooting was heard near the Donetsk branch of the Ukraine Security Service. Fighting between militia and Ukrainian armed forces units continued near Donetsk International Airport. Ukrainian armed forces snipers, who took up positions on the airport roof, shot people going to the nearby cemetery.
May 28, 2014. A school in the Artyom settlement was damaged as a result of the artillery shelling of Slavyansk by Ukrainian security forces.
May 29, 2014. The Prime Minister of the Donetsk People’s Republic, A. Borodai, said dozens of people died in a military operation by Kiev authorities in the Donetsk area.
May 29, 2014. Ukrainian security forces started a large-scale military operation in Slavyansk and Kramatorsk deploying artillery fire and air assaults. As a member of the People’s Militia told ITAR-TASS, ‘hospitals received an order to evacuate people from the upper floors’. He claimed that the same warning was given to the city maternity hospital. According to the militia, more than 20 civilians were killed and more than 30 were injured by shelling in Slavyansk.
May 29, 2014. The Donetsk Regional Public Administration press service announced that, for the last 20 days of hostilities, 7 minors aged from 4 to 17 had been injured in the region. On May 9, while out walking, a 12-year-old child suffered gunshot wounds to the abdominal cavity and shoulder; on May 26, a 13-year- old girl received a shrapnel wound to the leg; on May 28, while walking with his grandmother, a 4-year-old child suffered a shrapnel wound to the soft tissues of the left forearm. Four more children and adolescents suffered gunshot wounds in other cities and town of the region. For instance, on May 17, in Makiivka, a 7-year- old child who was standing at a bus stop was wounded in the leg. On May 25, a 17-year-old girl in Horlivka sustained a gunshot wound to the chest. On May 25, a 15-year-old villager from Marinivka in the Shakhtersk district was inside a car which was shot at near the checkpoint to the city of Snizhne. The child with a puncture wound to the abdominal cavity was brought to a children’s hospital. On May 28, in Donetsk, an 8-year-old boy received a shrapnel wound to the right crus.
May 29, 2014. The Ukraine Foreign Affairs Ministry responded negatively to the official note from the Russian Foreign Ministry in which Russia offered humanitarian assistance to the residents of east Ukraine and asked Kiev to ensure its delivery to the regions affected by the conflict.
May 30, 2014. A children’s hospital was shelled by Ukrainian security forces in Slavyansk. At the time of the shelling, there were children inside. Moreover, a children’s health centre was damaged.
May 30, 2014. The Main Investigation Department of the Russian Investigative Committee initiated a criminal case ‘due to the use of banned means and methods of warfare on the territory of the proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics’. The criminal case was opened ‘against the servicemen of the Armed Forces of Ukraine whose identity is unknown yet and members of the National Guard of Ukraine and the “Right Sector” for shelling the cities of Slavyansk, Kramatorsk, Donetsk, Mariupol and other localities of the proclaimed Donetsk and Lugansk People’s Republics’ in accordance with the elements of crime specified in Article 356, Part I of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (Use of Banned Means and Methods of Warfare). The investigation team believes that, at the time of shelling the afore mentioned cities and localities, in violation of the Geneva Convention relative to the Protection of Civilian Persons in Time of War of August 12, 1949, servicemen of the Ukraine Armed Forces and members of the Ukraine National Guard and the “Right Sector” deliberately ‘used weapons, artillery, air force (including aircraft with United Nations symbols), armoured vehicles and the respective armaments for the purpose of killing civilians’. There were victims and injured people among the civilian population. Moreover, industrial, energy, communications and transport infrastructure facilities as well as buildings and facilities used for residential, social and cultural purposes, including hospitals, kindergartens and schools, were completely or partially destroyed.
May 30, 2014. The Russian Federal Security Service (FSB) reported the detention of four people in Crimea (O. Sentsov, O. Afanasyev, A. Chirniy and A. Kolchenko) suspected of organizing acts of sabotage and terrorism in Simferopol, Yalta and Sevastopol. An FSB press release claimed that the detained were members of a subversive terrorist division of the “Right Sector”.
May 30–31, 2014 (night). Ukrainian border guards prevented a bus carrying children from Slavyansk who wanted to leave Ukraine for Russia. The children had to cross the Russian border on foot.
May 31, 2014. The headquarters of the Slavyansk People’s Militia reported that there were victims among members of the Ukrainian National Guard and injured people among the civilian population as a result of night shelling of the city. Two people were killed and four injured, including a 40-year-old woman who died in hospital from a shrapnel wound. According to the People’s Militia, the shooting continued all night in the township of Semenivka, in micro-districts ‘Vostochny’ (‘the Eastern’) and ‘Severny’ (‘the Nothern’) as well as in the township of Cherevkivka where its water treatment facilities were fired at. The headquarters stated that, if those facilities had been damaged, the people of Slavyansk would have no access to drinking water.
June 1, 2014. The Donetsk People’s Republic Press Service reported that when an attempt was made to retrieve the bodies of the militia fighters killed near Donetsk airport, the Ukrainian army shot at the ambulance vehicle and a car carrying militia personnel. Six people were killed.
June 1, 2014. The shelling of Slavyansk by Ukrainian security forces caused damage to the ‘Parus Nadezhdy’ orphanage (‘Sail of Hope’) and the High Voltage Research Institute. The companies ‘Stroymash’ and ‘Slavtyazhmash’were also shot at. Five civilians suffered shrapnel wounds.
June 2, 2014. A Ukrainian Air Force attack bomber opened fire at the Lugansk Regional Public Administration building. 8 civilians were killed and 28 injured. It has become obvious from intercepted communications from the Ukrainian pilot (which were made available on the Internet) that he consciously hit a civilian target. The fact that the building was shelled was confirmed by the special OSCE monitoring mission in Ukraine.
June 2, 2014. Mariupol’s chief endocrinologist, P. Likhonosov, announced that there was a serious shortage of insulin and other life-saving medications in the city.
June 3, 2014. People’s Mayor of Sloviansk spokesperson S. Khoroshova reported that Ukrainian security forces had moved to the city up to one hundred armoured vehicles, including tanks, Tyulpan self-propelled mortars, Gvozdika howitzers and Grad multiple rocket launchers.
June 3, 2014. In Krasnyi Lyman, Ukrainian security forces shelled a hospital. The shells fell on the building’s roof. The hospital fence was also damaged.
June 3, 2014. In their joint statement, the Ukrainian Red Cross Society, Russian Red Cross Society, the International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies and the International Committee of the Red Cross expressed their utmost concern about the humanitarian situation in south-east Ukraine.
The city of Shchastya (Lugansk region) was shelled on the night of June 3–4, 2014. According to preliminary data, one shell fell on a residential house, and another damaged the city’s water well.
On June 3–4, 2014, using heavy artillery, the Ukrainian National Guard massively attacked Slavyansk and its neighbouring localities. Eight air strikes hit the outskirts of Slavyansk. The central water pipeline was damaged, and the water supply to Slavyansk, Kramatorsk and the nearest villages stopped. There were victims among the civilian population.
June 4, 2014. The Donetsk Railway Press Service reported that, due to serious damage caused by the Ukrainian Air Force air strikes to the railway track and the platform at Krasnyi Lyman station, a number of suburban trains were cancelled.
June 4, 2014. Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Donetsk People’s Republic, D. Pushilin, said that at the time of the seizure of Krasnyi Lyman, Ukrainian servicemen had shot down up to 25 injured militia fighters at the local hospital.
June 4, 2014. The Russian Federal Migration Service informed that the number of Ukrainian refugees who had crossed the Russian border and stayed in the Rostov region (Russian Federation) had exceeded 8,000.
June 5, 2014. As a result of the further shelling of the Semenivka township near Slavyansk, the ‘Kapachim’ chemical plant caught fire. According to some estimates, up to 200 tonnes of sulphur could have been stored there.
June 5, 2014. People’s Mayor of Slavyansk spokesperson S. Khoros- hova informed that, in the city of Slavyansk, besieged by Ukrainian security forces, there was a shortage almost of all kinds of medicines, from antibiotics to bandages.
June 5, 2014. A report by the special OSCE monitoring mission stated that the already-tense situation in Donbass may even be worsened by ‘an intensified anti- terrorist operation by Ukrainian Armed Forces and by the sturdy resistance of anti- government forces’. It also mentioned increased fighting in Slavyansk, Kramatorsk and their neighbourhoods, where attack aircraft and military helicopters are used, and a possible large-scale assault on Donetsk by Ukrainian security forces which is expected soon by the Donetsk People’s Republic’s leaders. The report pointed to an increased number of military engagements in Lugansk and the Lugansk region.
June 6, 2014. Without explaining the reasons, Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs notified Russia of the closure of some checkpoints in the Lugansk and Donetsk regions on the border with Russia. Kiev’s decision caused additional problems for Ukrainian refugees wishing to leave the warzone.
June 6, 2014. Two railway employees sent from Kramatorsk to Krasnyi Liman to repair the railway lines were killed as a result of a mortar bombardment by Ukrainian security forces.
June 6, 2014. Formations of Ukrainian armoured vehicles, including tanks, actively attacked Slavyansk. According to witnesses, as a result of bombardments in Mandrychino district, civilians were seriously wounded. Ambulances could not reach places where the wounded were. People bled bleeding to death in basements.
Ukrainian security forces also resumed artillery bombardments of Semenovka village, east of Slavyansk.
June 6, 2014. As a result of artillery bombardment of the Cherevkovka settlement in the vicinity of Slavyansk, four residential buildings on Leningradskaya Street were damaged, and one erupted into flames.
June 6, 2014. The Donbass Fuel-Energy Company press service announced that, in the Slavyansk district, 40 settlements, 11 hospitals and a number of administrative buildings were disconnected from the electricity supply.
June 6, 2014. The Government of the Rostov region (Russian Federation) announced that between June 5 and 6 more than 12,000 Ukrainian citizens came to the Rostov region.
June 6, 2014. The Deputy Prime Minister of the Republic of Crimea (Russian Federation) announced that about 5,000 refugees from Ukraine, including more than 600 children, came to the peninsula.
June 7, 2014. An aide to the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Council of the Donetsk People’s Republic, M. Petrukhin, who was dealing with humanitarian assistance delivery issues, was killed in the centre of Donetsk.
June 7, 2014. As a result of the bombardment of Slavyansk by the Ukrainian security forces, the paint and lacquer shop of the Betonmash factory burst into flames. Two shells also hit the ‘High Voltage’ Research Institute.
June 7, 2014. The leader of the Lugansk People’s Republic, V. Bolotov, said that since June 2nd, 13 people were killed, including 10 civilians, as a result of military clashes in Lugansk.
June 7, 2014. The acting head of Ukraine’s Internal Affairs Ministry, A. Avakov, announced that 20 members of the Chernigov battalion were dismissed after they refused to go to attend an “anti-terrorist operation” in the Lugansk region. Earlier, he said that former members of the Berkut division were dismissed after they refused to participate in the punitive operation in south-east Ukraine.
June 8, 2014. Ukrainian security forces subjected the centre of Slavyansk to an artillery bombardment. According to local residents, shells exploded on the
central square, the city’s executive committee and communications hub. At the time, the city centre was crowded, as a festive service has just ended in the church located on the square. There were civilians among the victims who received shrapnel wounds. The bombardment damaged water pipelines and caused serious problems with the drinking water supply.
On the same day, Ukrainian servicemen resumed the artillery bombardment of the Semenovka settlement near Slavyansk. According to some information, GRAD multiple artillery rocket systems were used for the bombardment. There is a note on the militia’s website: ‘Today the settlement of Semenovka near Slavyansk has been completely destroyed. No building remained unaffected.’

Violations of the right to freedom of thought and belief,
including political beliefs; the intimidation and kidnapping
of political opponents

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 10. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 19. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

Since early April 2014, the State Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) has been conducting raids against supporters of federalization in the south-east of the country.

April 1, 2014. Officers from Ukraine’s Security Service searched the apartment of Alexei Albu, the Odessa Regional Council deputy from the Communist Party of Ukraine. According to him, they were looking for weapons and lists of activists from the ‘Borotba’ union. But, finally, they had to report that nothing illegal was found in the apartment. Albu said that the search was an attempt to intimidate him for organizing mass street protests demanding the nationalization of oligarchs’ property and a democratic referendum in Odessa on self-government in the region.
Police also searched the apartment of V. Kaurov, head of the Union of Orthodox Citizens of Ukraine. Officers found the priest’s son there, but, according to Mr. Kaurov, he was beyond the reach of Ukrainian law-enforcement agencies.
Ukraine’s ‘Alfa’ special police unit intended to detain Oleg Mokryak, Archpriest, head of the diocese’s missionary work department, catechesis and religious education, but he was not at home at the time. ‘The priest has been accused of contacts with participants in demonstrations organized in Odessa to criticize the actions of the new Kiev authorities,’ Ukrainian law-enforcement agencies reported.
April 1, 2014. In Donetsk, the SBU arrested Benes Ayo, a black ‘AntiMaidan’ activist and a Latvian citizen, who repeatedly spoke out at rallies against the self- proclaimed Kiev authorities.
April 1, 2014. O. Sidorchuk, the prosecutor of Transcarpathia, said that, according to his instructions, the relevant authorities keep track of all statements made by parties and organizations (including foreign ones) in order to find calls for separatism. According to Sidorchuk, if there any such signs in public statements or remarks by representatives of parties or organizations, it is recognized as a crime against the foundations of national security, and the perpetrators will face criminal responsibility provided for in law.
April 1, 2014. In Zaporizhia, V. Polyusov, the City Council deputy from the Party of Regions, was severely beaten. According to Polyusov, two strangers who had their faces covered with hoods attacked him.
April 2, 2014. In Transcarpathia, the SBU launched a criminal investigation ‘into the Rusyn separatism’. The investigation was opened because of statements published on the Internet and broadcast by Russian TV. In connection with this case,
N. Starosta, Chairman of the People’s Council of Subcarpathian Rus, was called in for questioning by the SBU. Transcarpathian Rusyns demand to be recognized as a national minority in Ukraine, just as in 22 countries around the world, including in Europe. Some Rusyns call for the recognition of the 1991 referendum on ‘self- governing territory’, during which more than 75% of the region’s citizens voted in favor of self-governance.
April 2, 2014. According to data on the website, which had been gathered by a member of a Kharkov resistance movement, law-enforcement authorities launched 140 criminal investigations into alleged incitement to separatism and 53 Ukrainian citizens were charged with separatism. This is the new Ukrainian government’s response to the calls for federalization of the country.
April 2, 2014. Ukrainian oligarch V. Nemirovsky, who was earlier appointed Governor of Odessa region by the new Kiev authorities, said that there are ‘good’ and ‘bad’ protesters. He noted his willingness to support those who favor Ukraine’s rapprochement towards Europe, and called the ‘pro-Russian’ activists provocateurs and promised to deal with their ‘sponsors’.
April 3, 2014. The Ukraine Prosecutor General’s Office issued an arrest warrant, and to bring to court, the toppled President Viktor Yanukovych. Earlier, the Ukrainian Prosecutor General’s Office launched criminal investigations against Mr. Yanukovych for encouraging people to ‘demand a referendum on the status of each region within Ukraine’.
April 3, 2014. Investigations against S. Petrakov, a Lugansk City Council Deputy from the Party of Regions, were launched. He said that his construction company ‘Teplyi dom’ began to face problems. ‘I clearly know that it was Kiev’s order to paralyze the enterprise’s operations, bring criminal charges, and thereby kill ‘two birds with one stone’ — to change the market structure in the construction industry through unfair competition practices while mopping up the political landscape of Lugansk, which is particularly useful in the run-up to the local elections, because one of the candidates for local council elections will lose the right to be
elected; Petrakov said. A number of online media suggested that Petrakov also intended to participate in the election for Mayor of Lugansk.
April 4, 2014. In Donetsk, more than 50 tramway depot employees signed for a referendum on Ukraine’s accession to the Customs Union and for making Russian a second state language. However, they refused to talk to journalists because they feared being dismissed.
April 4, 2014. In the Donetsk region, the SBU opened criminal proceedings against P. Gubarev, deputy ‘people’s governor’, and R. Doni, a Ukrainian citizen, for allegedly planning riots and inciting the seizure of state power. He was detained by court order. Doni was taken to a detention facility in Kiev.
April 4, 2014. The Kharkov region Court of Appeal ruled that I. Kromskiy, a famous ‘AntiMaidan’ activist, must wear an electronic bracelet in order to prevent his ‘illegal activities’. The court also ordered him to hand over all of his documents which allow him to leave the country and placed him under house arrest as a preventive measure.
April 5, 2014. In Mariupol (Donetsk region), the SBU arrested D. Kuzmenko, a so-called people’s mayor, elected at a meeting of citizens. His brother Denis was arrested in his own apartment that same day, but was released later. According to local media, D. Pugovkin, another well-known public figure, an activist of the Communist Party of Ukraine, was also arrested.
April 6, 2014. In Kiev, the so-called ‘Council of Maidan Hundreds (a council uniting the commanders of extreme-right military groups) decided to impose a ‘curfew’ within the boundaries of ‘Maidan Nezalezhnosti’ (Independence Square) from 01:00 to 05:00. Public gatherings and mass actions which had not been approved by the ‘Maidan commandant’s office’ were prohibited. It’s forbidden to move around the square unless necessary; patrols now have the right to check documents.
April 6, 2014. In Kiev, the so-called ‘Council of the Maidan’ demanded to be given a say in appointments to Ukraine’s Cabinet of Ministers. The Ministers were ‘invited’ to ‘Popular Assembly’ which was to be held on Maidan on April 9. ‘Each minister should have made a brief presentation on his education, work experience and what his goals would be if chosen for the position. Moreover, if Maidan activists say they do not believe him, he should resign, and the Verkhovna Rada is to propose a new candidate for the position,’ declared the ‘Council of the Maidan’.
April 6, 2014. In Kharkov, supporters of Ukraine’s federalization clashed with “Right Sector” activists.
April 7, 2014. In Kiev, about 100 ‘Maidan self-defense’, “Right Sector” and ‘AutoMaidan’ activists blocked the Ukraine Supreme Court building, which was supposed to host the Congress of Judges of Ukraine. The extremists broke into the premises and demanded the adoption of a law on lustration, then took the Congress delegates outside. While leaving the building, O. Lavrynovych, the former Ukraine Justice Minister, was attacked by radicals: they struck him on the head and tried to capture him. The only thing that saved him was the personal intervention of
E. Sobolev, head of the Verkhovna Rada’s so-called ‘lustration committee’.
April 7, 2014. On Primorsky Boulevard in the centre of Odessa, several dozen “Right Sector” militants armed with sticks beat up four young men wearing St. George ribbons who were walking along the street.
April 7–8, 2014 (night). In Kharkov, near the regional state administration building, masked militants in uniforms with Jaguar unit chevrons (Ukraine’s Interior Troops unit) together with “Right Sector” neo-Nazis held a so-called ‘anti- terrorist’ operation. Using non-lethal weapons, they broke up a rally of supporters of federalization or greater autonomy for south-east Ukraine. 64 people were arrested; the city centre was cordoned off.
The next morning started with efforts to ‘cleanse’ Kharkov from those who disagree with the policies of the self-proclaimed Kiev authorities. Citizens wearing St. George ribbons were being detained. Foreigners who spoke neither Russian nor Ukrainian were among the punishers. Wounded demonstrators said they were afraid to go to hospital because of possible reprisals.
April 7–8, 2014 (night). In Nikolaev, near the Regional State Administration building, neo-Nazis attacked a tent city of supporters of federalization and the expansion of self-governance of south-east Ukraine. The attackers used sticks, traumatic weapons, firecrackers and petards. Fifteen people were injured, some of them with gunshot wounds, 11 were hospitalised. Police detained 23 people.
April 8, 2014. A. Avakov, Ukraine’s acting Internal Affairs Minister, decided to undertake a ‘purge’ in the Kharkov police. He said that it would recommend dismissing over 30% of policemen for alleged sabotage, while breaking up the demonstrations against the Kiev regime.
April 8, 2014. At a plenary meeting of Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada, scuffles broke out between deputies from the Communist Party (CPU) and those of the nationalist Svoboda party.
P. Symonenko, the leader of the Communist party, from the parliament’s rostrum, accused the current authorities of a ‘lack of action in the south-east of Ukraine,’ adding that ‘People have been
demanding, for a long time, making Russian the second national language. People have been demanding attention to their social problems. But the authorities do not listen to them,’ Symonenko said. He also noted that ‘the current authorities call the protesters that seized administrative buildings in Donetsk, Lugansk and Kharkov ‘separatists’. But when regional state administrations were seized in western Ukraine, the deputies from the Svoboda party said those who were doing it were patriots,’ added the Communist party leader.
After he spoke, deputies from the Svoboda party ran over to Symonenko and pushed him from the rostrum. Deputies from the Communist Party stood up for their leader, and a fight ensued. After that, deputies from the Communist party faction and the majority of deputies from the Party of Regions left the parliamentary session.
April 8, 2014. In Kiev, neo-Nazis organized pickets outside the Verkhovna Rada demanding people be ‘put to prison for wearing the St. George Ribbon and other Russian symbols’.
April 8, 2014. Verkhovna Rada deputies adopted the law on the lustration of judges as well as amendments to the Ukraine Criminal Code to increase prison sentences for ‘separatism’.
145 judges will be screened for taking part in authorizing bans on mass protests on Maidan and prosecuting their participants.
Representatives of the Kiev regime continuously make threats to the residents of south-east Ukraine who advocate the country’s federalization. The latter are humiliatingly called ‘separatists’ and ‘Colorado beetles’.
April 8, 2014. Commenting on the Kharkov ‘cleansing’ against those who oppose the Kiev regime, I. Farion (a ‘Svoboda’ party deputy in the Verkhovna Rada) stated, ‘I would have acted much tougher. I would just shoot them. Enemies dominate on our land. We should have driven them away as early as in 1654. That is why today’s reaction is absolutely legitimate, but measures should be much tougher. Those creatures deserve only one thing — death’.
April 9, 2014. In Ivano-Frankovsk, the local ‘Maidan self-defence’ and the “Right Sector” set up a so-called ‘shame pole’ in the town’s central square opposite the regional state administration, where photographs of ‘corruptionists’ and those ‘who discredited themselves by collaboration with the Yanukovych regime’ are put on display.
April 9, 2014. In Nikolaev, extremists from the “Right Sector” threw eggs and poured water on Ukraine presidential candidate and Party of Regions Rada deputy
O. Tsaryov and then beat him. He had come to a Nikolaev hospital to visit activists wounded at a rally in support of the country’s federalization.
April 9–10, 2014 (night). In Kiev, fire broke out in the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) office. At the end of February 2014, the building was taken over by ‘Euromaidan’ activists. It was occupied by extremists from the neo-Nazi organization ‘S-14’, the lustration committee and the so-called ‘Maiden’s Clerical Hundred’.
The CPU faction refused to vote in the Verkhovna Rada until the party’s office was returned. On April 9, a court ordered the ‘Euromaidan’ protesters to leave the building but, before they did, they vandalized it, breaking furniture, stealing office equipment, and leaving behind cans with petrol. Firefighters suspect arson, as fire erupted in three locations at the same time.
April 10, 2014. In Odessa, during the celebrations commemorating the 70th anniversary of the city’s liberation from German and Romanian occupants, clashes occurred between ‘Euromaidan’ supporters and their opponents. Ukrainian nationalists from the ‘Odessa Maidan’ group tore the Soviet Banner of Victory from the flagpole and stamped on it.
Several dozen ‘Euromaidan’ militants blocked the exit of the hotel where O. Tsaryov, Ukraine presidential candidate and deputy of the Verkhovna Rada from the Party of Regions, was staying. Extremists armed with stones and sticks, were chanting ‘Get out, Tsaryov!’ An attempt by ‘Anti-Maidan’ protesters to allow access to the hotel ended in a brawl. 10 people received injuries.
April 11, 2014. Rada deputy A. Briginets, from the ‘Batkivshchyna’ faction, posted on Twitter that more than 100 citizens of the Russian Federation that supported Crimea’s reunification with Russia are banned from entering Ukraine. The deputy referred to SBU’s reply to his query.
April 11, 2014. In Rovno, about 50 radicals from the “Right Sector” broke into the regional branch of the Communist Party of Ukraine and demanded it suspend its activities and transfer the title to the buildings to the local community. The attackers seized the party’s books and newspapers and burnt them in the yard before driving out the CPU members and sealing the building.
April 13, 2014. In Kharkov, clashes occurred between ‘Euromaidan’ supporters and advocates of Ukraine’s federalization. 50 people were injured, including 1 police officer.
April 13, 2014. In Zaporozhye, ‘Euromaidan’ supporters attacked protesters against the Kiev regime. Some people were injured.
April 13, 2014. In Mariupol, about 20 people were injured in clashes between supporters and opponents of Ukraine’s federalization.
April 14, 2014. In Kiev, Ukrainian presidential candidate O. Tsaryov was severely beaten inside the ICTV television channel, where he was taking part in live programme called ‘Svoboda slova’. An aggressive mob, headed by “Right Sector” extremists, attacked the politician and demanded that he withdrew from participating in the presidential election. O. Tsaryov is the chairman of the Anti-Fascist Forum of Ukraine and advocates a federal structure for the country.
Near the same building, radical nationalists attacked another presidential candidate — M. Dobkin, a Rada deputy from the Party of Regions. They smashed his car and punctured its tyres, threw flour at him and poured bright-green antiseptic over him. Dobkin’s assistants were injured. Previously, he had reportedly been repeatedly arrested and threatened with death for criticizing the current Kiev authorities.
April 14, 2014. In Sumy, “Right Sector” radicals vandalized the CPU office, destroyed Lenin’s portrait, party material and St. George Ribbons and beat one of the employees.
April 16, 2014. Several leaders of the Donbass People’s Militia disappeared (most- likely kidnapped):
O. Seletskaya, a leader of the Donbass People’s Militia, disappeared in Mariupol. A month before she was fired from the ‘Azovelectrostal’ plant for ‘too strong social activism’;
Three People’s Militia activists disappeared in Gorlovka (A. Sapunov, elected people’s mayor at a rally, and his closest aides — Evgeny and Tatiana Shevchenko, a married couple).
April 18, 2014. In the vicinity of Donetsk, L. Baranov, one of the coordinators of the Donetsk People’s Republic, was forcefully put in a jeep (presumably by SBU officers) and driven to an unknown location.
April 19, 2014. In Kharkov, Ukrainian law-enforcement officials detained K. Dolgov, one of the coordinators of the movement for federalizing Ukraine, on absurd charges of setting fire to an ATM machine.
April 21, 2014. Rada deputy O. Lyashko — a Ukrainian presidential candidate — proposed on his Facebook account to destroy by air or missile attacks TV towers broadcasting Russian channels that are, according to him, ‘instruments of anti- Ukrainian propaganda’. ‘We must also destroy nests of terrorists by targeted air strikes,’ Lyashko wrote, meaning by ‘terrorists’ those who live in south-east Ukraine and advocate the country’s federalization.
April 21, 2014. In Kiev, “Right Sector” militants brutally beat A. Selivanov, leader of the All-Ukrainian Movement ‘Vernoye Kazachestvo’. According to the victim, the attack was caused by his pubic activities aimed at developing close ties between Ukraine and Russia.
April 27, 2014. In Kharkov, a violent crowd of fans of the ‘Metallist’ and ‘Dnepr’ football teams, equipped with sticks, firecrackers and stones attacked a rally of unarmed supporters of Ukraine’s federalization. As a result, 14 people were hospitalized, some with grave wounds.
April 27, 2014. P. Gubarev, the ‘people’s mayor’ of Donetsk, who was seized by SPU employees in early March, went on indefinite hunger strike in protest against the military operation in Slavyansk. OSCE representatives who visited the political prisoner in a Kiev jail reported that the hunger strike affected his health.
April 28, 2014. At Kherson airport, the plane carrying Ukrainian presidential candidate A. Dobkin, who came to the city to meet voters as part of his election campaign, was blocked on the runway by armed representatives from local nationalist organizations. The presidential candidate had to leave Kherson without stepping off the plane.
April 28, 2014. In Donetsk, SBU employees arrested deputy ‘people’s mayor’ I. Perepechaenko.
April 28, 2014. Supporters of Ukraine’s federalization and presidential candidates
O. Tsaryov and M. Dobkin were denied participation in the presidential debates that were to be aired on the ‘First National’ TV channel on May 9–23.
April 28, 2014. An assassination attempt on G. Kernes, Kharkov’s mayor, who received a severe gunshot wound.
April 28, 2014. In Donetsk, football ‘ultras’ brought from different regions of Ukraine and equipped with sticks, chains and non-lethal weapons, and chanting neo-Nazi slogans, attacked participants of an anti-fascist march. 14 civilians with more or less grave injuries asked for medical assistance.
April 29, 2014. In central Kiev, on Maidan Nezalezhnosti, a mass fight occurred between representatives of the so-called ‘Maidan self-defense’ and neo-Nazis from the ‘Patriot of Ukraine’ organization.
April 29, 2014. Leader of the ‘South-East’ social movement, O. Tsaryov, withdrew Ukraine’s presidential election. Explaining his decision, he stated that Kiev authorities did not allow him to bring the voice of the south-east to those living in other regions of Ukraine. Tsaryov’s press service quoted him saying, ‘going to Kiev to make public speeches would mean risking my life, and participation in televised debates on the UT-1 channel via teleconference was not allowed.’
April 30, 2014. In Nikolaev, unidentified people shot at the car of D. Nikolaev, the ‘people’s mayor’. He and his wife had received telephoned death threats on several occasions.
May 1, 2014. Kiev’s district administrative court prohibited activities of the All-Ukrainian ‘Russian Unity’ party on Ukrainian territory accusing it of ‘encroaching upon the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the country’.
May 2, 2014. In a video that appeared on the Internet, “Right Sector” activists took responsibility for both the past and future abductions of resistance activists in Kharkov.
May 5–6, 2014 (night). In Dnepropetrovsk, unidentified people started a fire in the office of O. Tsaryov, Ukraine people’s deputy and leader of the ‘South-East’ movement.
May 6, 2014. Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada adopted a decision to request the Communist Party of Ukraine faction leave a closed meeting where the report of law-enforcement agencies on the situation in the country was presented. The Party of Regions faction left the room as a sign of solidarity as well. ‘Today they put a bullet hole in parliamentary democracy,’ commented Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko.
May 8, 2014. In Kharkov, Ukrainian law-enforcement agencies detained an activist of the movement for the federalization of Ukraine, and President of the Kiev branch of the bikers’ club ‘Night Wolves’, A. Vereschagin on ‘separatism’ charges. It was done on the grounds that he was delivering humanitarian aid (insulin and medicines for children) to Slavyansk.
May 10, 2014. In Bryanka town (the Lugansk region), unidentified assailants beat and then shot to death a supporter of Ukraine’s federalization for the distribution of leaflets inviting people to take part in the referendum.
May 13, 2014. In Kharkov, federalization activist and President of the Kiev branch of the ‘Night Wolves’ bikers’ club, A. Vereschagin, was kidnapped. It took place immediately after his release from prison on bail of 97 thousand hryvnia (he was arrested on May 8, 2014, on the grounds that he was delivering humanitarian aid to Slavyansk). As he left the temporary detention facility, Vereschagin was pushed into a car and taken to an unknown destination. Presumably, Vereschagin’s kidnap was organised by militants from the extremist “Right Sector” organization.
May 13, 2014. An assassination attempt was made against the ‘people’s governor’ of the Lugansk region, V. Bolotov. His car was fired upon in an ambush by unidentified persons near the village of Izvarino (60km from Lugansk). V. Bolotov was wounded in the shoulder and was hospitalized.
May 14, 2014. In Dnepropetrovsk, armed people wearing masks and black National Guard uniforms tried to burn down the home of the ‘South-East’ movement leader and Rada deputy O. Tsarev. They broke the fence, ransacked inside, fired at the car parked in the yard and left. After that, the house caught fire. But it turned out that the attackers got the wrong address and, in fact, the house of one of Tsarev’s neighbours was damaged.
May 14–16, 2014. In Torez town (the Donetsk region) three anti-government activists were kidnapped. Local press reported: ‘As of the morning of May 16 in Torez, three activists were reported to be missing. The leader of the Donetsk People’s Republic in Torez — Irina Poltoratskaya — disappeared overnight on May 14–15. Donetsk People’s Republic activist Igor Polyakov was kidnapped during the night of May 15–16. Yesterday afternoon, on May 15, Denis Yaniev left home and never returned. As you know, he was a member of the commission to conduct a referendum on the Donetsk People’s Republic.’ On May 21, Rada deputy
Lyashko’s battalion ‘Ukraine’ admitted kidnapping the abovementioned people, as well as seizing Alexander Simca from Sniezhnoye town (the Donetsk region).
May 15, 2014. A recording of a telephone conversation between Ukrainian oligarch
I. Kolomoyskiy and ‘South-East’ movement leader O. Tsarev, which took place earlier, appeared on the Internet. Kolomoyskiy said that Dnepropetrovsk’s Jewish Community linked O. Tsarev with the death of a Jew in Mariupol and was ready to put a million-dollar reward on his head. Furthermore, Kolomoysky threatened Tsarev that he would ‘hang his relatives right in the city square’.
May 16, 2014. Ukraine Communist Party leader and presidential candidate
Simonenko, at a TV election debate on the First National Channel, announced
his withdrawal from the campaign because he believed the upcoming poll to be unfair and illegitimate.
After the TV debate, Simonenko was met at the TV centre by a group of about 30 people with bats and ‘Molotov cocktails’. The Communist Party leader left the building through an emergency exit, but his pursuers soon overtook his car, blocked it and smashed its windows. The ‘Molotov cocktail’ bottles were thrown at the car. Representatives of the so-called ‘Automaidan’ admitted responsibility for the attack.
May 20–21, 2014 (night). In Dnepropetrovsk, unidentified persons torched the house and car of O. Tsarev. He reported that, at 2am, two buses arrived, filled with armed people who threw ‘Molotov cocktails’ at his house.
May 27, 2014. The Ukraine Communist Party’s premises in Dnepropetrovsk were attacked.
May 29, 2014. About 30 people in camouflage gear and masks entered the grounds of the ‘Dnipro paper factory LLC’, owned by the ‘South-East’ movement leader O. Tsarev, and announced that the factory’s owner had changed.
June 3, 2014. The Rada voted in favour of initiating criminal proceedings against — and for the arrest of — Deputy Tsarev, who stands for the federalization of Ukraine.

Restrictions on freedom of the media and journalist activities

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 3. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 9. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile.
Article 13. 1. Everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each state. 2. Everyone has the right to leave any country, including his own, and to return to his country.
Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers;

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Article 5. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person.
Article 6. In the determination of his civil rights and obligations or of any criminal charge against him, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law.
Article 10. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.
Article 13. Everyone whose rights and freedoms as set forth in this Convention are violated shall have an effective remedy before a national authority notwithstanding that the violation has been committed by persons acting in an official capacity.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 6. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 9. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law.
Article 12. Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.
Article 19. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

April 2, 2014. Ukrainian border guards denied entry to the country to a crew from Russia’s REN TV. They stamped ‘Entrance to Ukraine prohibited’ in the foreign travel passports of reporter R. Super and cameraman P. Kosikhin.
In just one week (March 26 — April 2) eight Russian TV crews were deported from Kiev, Donetsk and Odessa.
April 7, 2014. Ukrainian border guards denied entry to two journalists working for the Russian-language edition of Forbes magazine; they were removed from the Moscow-Dnepropetrovsk train at Kazachja Lopan station and put on the first train back to Russia. The official explanation of the decision to deny entry to the correspondents was that ‘they did not have enough money for the trip and the goal of the journey was unconfirmed’. The magazine says, ‘border guards also told the reporters that if they attempted to cross the border again, they would be denied entry to Ukraine for three years’.
April 7, 2014. A. Ivanov, a cameraman from RT’s Ruptly video agency (a division of the Russian TV network ‘Russia Today’, known as ‘RT’) was detained and interrogated at Donetsk airport. He said officials took away his passport — promising to give it back only when he returned to Russia — and put him on a plane to Moscow. According to RT Editor-in-Chief M. Simonyan, Ukrainian border guards explained their decision by the fact that Ivanov did not have enough funds to stay in Ukraine.
April 8, 2014. M. Dodonov, a commentator from ‘Star’ TV, was detained by Ukrainian border guards at Donetsk airport and held for more than seven hours in a so-called ‘retiring room’, while his belongings and documents were inspected by Special Services staff. Afterwards, he was offered the chance to buy a return ticket at his own expense. The journalist said that border guards accompanied him to the plane and that none of the crew was surprised because, later on the plane, he was joined by correspondent colleagues from St. Petersburg’s ‘Channel 5’ as well as the ‘Moscow Region’ channel. On the same day, a reporter from LifeNews TV was expelled from Ukrainian territory in the same manner.
April 8, 2014. RIA News photojournalist A. Kudenko was denied entry to Ukraine at Donetsk airport border control under the pretext of allegedly not having enough money to stay in the country.
April 8, 2014. Ukrainian law-enforcement bodies disrupted the business trip of several employees from St. Petersburg’s ‘Channel 5’. Journalists S. Bernwald and
K. Krylov were denied entry to Donetsk, while a filming crew from the current affairs programme ‘Now’ (A. Mayorov and S. Guryanov), were detained at Kharkov airport without explanation.
April 8, 2014. Ukrainian border guards removed RIA News journalist A. Malyshkin from the Moscow-Lugansk train. He was also denied entry to the country with the following explanation: ‘lack of funds to stay in the territory of Ukraine’.
April 8, 2014. Kharkov Regional State Administration staff would not permit a RIA News correspondent to join a tour especially arranged for journalists of a regional administration building that was liberated at night from pro-federalization activists. The RIA News correspondent was denied access on the grounds that he represented Russian media.
April 8–9, 2014 (night). Editor-in-chief of the magazine ‘Russian Pioneer’ and special correspondent for ‘Kommersant’, A. Kolesnikov, and the newspaper’s photographer, D. Azarov, were taken from ‘Moscow-Donetsk’ train by Ukrainian border guards and banned from entering the country under the contrived pretext of a lack of funds, despite the fact that each journalist carried 50,000 rubles and intended to stay in Donetsk for just three days.
April 9, 2014. Ukrainian border guards continued to put Russian journalists on the ‘Persona non grata’ list. ‘Kommersant’ special correspondent A. Kolesnikov and photographer D. Azarov were taken from the train going to Donetsk.
April 10, 2014. The Committee for the Protection of Journalists, an international non-governmental organization, called on the Ukrainian authorities not to impede the work of Russian colleagues because the restriction of media access strengthens suspicion and misunderstanding. As of April 10, 2014, Ukrainian border guards denied entry to Ukraine, under contrived pretexts, to more than 20 Russian journalists.
April 10, 2014. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, D. Mijatović, said that the OSCE had received reports of more than 20 cases when Russian journalists were denied the right to cross the Ukrainian border.
April 10, 2014. R. Miroshnik, Director General of the Lugansk Regional TV and Radio Company, was sacked after a decision by the State Committee of Ukraine for TV and Radio Broadcasting ‘because he insufficiently criticized separatists in a live broadcast’. Miroshnik said of his dismissal that, ‘what is happening now is the fight against dissidents, an unwillingness to listen to the other side and to the South-East…’
April 13, 2014. A journalist for the ‘AIF’ newspaper, V. Kozhemyakin, was arrested at the Novoazovsk border checkpoint in the Donetsk region and deported to Russia. He was banned from entering Ukraine for three years.
April 14, 2014. According to the ‘Echo of Moscow’ radio station’s website, correspondent V. Boyko, who was to cover the situation in east Ukraine, was denied entry to the country.
April 14, 2014. A correspondent from the ‘URA.Ru’ agency, R. Zhuravlev, was detained at Kiev’s Borispol airport while crossing the Ukraine border. He was banned from entering the country for five years.
April 15, 2014. Correspondents from Russia’s REN TV channel — M. Plakhotnik and S. Sidorenko — were detained in Odessa. They were searched and interrogated.
April 16, 2014. Ukrainian policemen beat and detained correspondent K. Babaeva and camera operator M. Povalyaeva from Russia’s LifeNews TV. They took their phones, Dictaphones and took them to Mariupol police station where they were interrogated for several hours.
April 16, 2014. Near Izyum town (Kharkov region) a filming crew for the All- Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company was detained: special correspondent E. Reshetnev, cameraman S. Truskov and engineer V. Klivanov. The journalists were searched and interrogated.
April 17, 2014. Clashes between locals and troops sent by the Kiev regime to ‘enforce order’ took place in the Donetsk region. In Mariupol, Ukrainian servicemen attacked by firing at local citizens who tried to enter the grounds of military unit 3057 of Ukraine’s internal military forces. Three people died, 13 were injured.
April 23, 2014. In Pershotravinsk (Dnepropetrovsk region) Ukrainian security forces detained an employee from Russia’s NTV channel and Belorusian citizen
S. Chirich. They exercised physical and moral pressure on him to make him ‘admit’ that he was a Russian spy.
April 25, 2014. In Donetsk, SBU officials detained LifeNews TV journalists J. Pustoplesnova and M. Pudovkin. Having accused them of engaging in activities that ‘threatened the security and territorial integrity of Ukraine’ they deported them from the country.
April 25, 2014. Ukrainian border guards denied entry into Ukraine of the special correspondent from the All-Russian State Television and Radio Broadcasting Company, A. Rogatkin.
April 26, 2014. Ukrainian servicemen detained LifeNews correspondent S. Golyadin at the checkpoint between the Kharkov and Donetsk regions. He endured tough questioning in a humiliating way.
April 28, 2014. In Kiev, violent thugs picketed two Ukrainian TV channels — Inter and ICTV — demanding they stop broadcasting Russian programmes and series. They smashed windows at Inter TV’s headquarters and threw an object
inside that later required fumigation. Near the ICTV premises, hooligans left banners saying ‘Off Russian propaganda!’
April 29, 2014. The OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, D. Mijatović, condemned the acts of violence towards journalists covering Ukrainian events. She stressed in her statement published on the OSCE website that ‘impunity for the assailants of journalists and broadcasters is escalating tensions and contributing to the deterioration of the security situation’. She also expressed her outrage at ‘the lack of response by law-enforcement authorities to these attacks,’ adding that the ‘Rule of law must be reintroduced in Ukraine’.
May  2014. In the Slavyansk area, a car carrying reporters from ‘Komsomolskaya Pravda’ — A. Kots and D. Steshin — was shot at by a sniper from the Ukrainian military. After that, the SBU banned Kots from entering the country for five years.
May 5, 2014. Ukrainian neo-Nazis labeled British journalist Graham Phillips, who was working for Russia Today, a ‘Russian spy’ and set a $10,000 bounty on his head. The British reporter posted the information on Twitter and Facebook.
May 6, 2014. The Russian mass media received information from their trustees working in the Ukrainian security forces that Ukraine special services were preparing a provocation regarding Russian journalists covering the situation in south-east Ukraine. According to information received by Kirill Kleimenov, the Director of News Programmes at Russia’s Channel One, the Ukraine Security Service had bought some substances prohibited in Ukraine (but permitted in Russia) in order to slip them into the hotel rooms in Kharkov where the Russian journalists were staying. Kleimenov said the provocation was being aimed, in particular, at staff from the ‘Russia’ and ‘First’ TV channels.
May 7, 2014. A camera crew from Russia’s ‘TV Tsentr’ channel (consisting of commentator Vera Kuzmina, director Alexander Goriainov, camera operator Vladimir Chernikh and assistant cameraman Dmitriy Panov) was denied entry to Ukraine under a formal pretext (i.e. the absence of required documents. Their passports were marked with an ‘entry denied’ stamp).
The journalists were sent to cover the pre-election situation and presidential election in Ukraine. Judging from the fact that the Russian camera crew was awaited by Ukrainian mass media in Kiev’s Borispil airport, and the same day a report on its deportation was broadcast by the local TSN channel, it was a preplanned act by the Kiev regime aimed at restricting journalists’ activity.
May 7, 2014. Ukrainian security forces engaged fire on LifeNews journalists near Slavyansk. Several minutes before the mortar firing, Alexey Kazannikov
said that Ukrainian security forces disguised several Grad launch vehicles near the checkpoint. Reports came that Kiev was planning to use multiple launch rocket systems against the people’s volunteer corps.
May 9, 2014. During the assault on the Internal Affairs Department building in Mariupol, Ukrainian security forces wounded ‘RT’ TV freelance operator Fedor Zavaleikov in the stomach. He was taken to a local hospital.
May 10, 2014. Kiev-controlled military men detained freelance reporter Artem Larionov on the highway between Slavyansk and Kramatorsk. Larionov’s information blog actively put on the Internet data on the situation in south-east Ukraine.
May 12, 2014. Pavel Kanigin, a Russian Novaya Gazeta journalist, was kidnapped in the Donetsk region.
May 13, 2014. A LifeNews camera crew met a convoy of Ukrainian armoured vehicles near Kramatorsk, and was attacked by gunfire without prior warning. The correspondents’ car was damaged, but fortunately none of them was injured.
May 15, 2014. Near Kramatorsk, the Ukrainian military opened fire from an armoured personnel carrier on a car carrying camera crews from ‘RT’ and St. Petersburg’s ‘Channel Five’. Fortunately, none on board was injured.
May 16, 2014. Throughout the day 10 Russian mass media staff were either not allowed into or deported from Ukraine by security forces for allegedly being unauthorised work in a border area.
May 18, 2014. Ukrainian military men detained Oleg Sidiakin and Marat Saichenko — LifeNews journalists — near Kramatorsk, who were in Ukraine legally. Russia’s Foreign Ministry, the Council of the Federation and State Duma urged the release of the detainees. Ukrainian security forces held the correspondents until May 25. Ukrainian mass media published a video, in which the Russian reporters were shown on their knees with their arms pinned to their backs and sacks on their heads. After being released, the journalists said they were tortured, humiliated and moral coercion was exerted on them.
Kiev authorities ordered that Ukrainian intelligence agencies ‘found and neutralised’ the Russian journalists, after Oleg Sidiakin and Marat Saichenko had made a shocking video of helicopters bearing UN symbols, which, in violation of the agreement with the UN, were used by the Ukrainian military in punitive operations near Kramatorsk on May 13.
Anatoly Suleimanov, the Editor-in-Chief of the LifeNews television channel, said in an interview with the Russian News Service radio station that someone had set a price for the lives of his journalists: ‘We are 100% sure that someone had set a price of $10,000 — now $20,000 — for the lives of several of our staff in Ukraine.’
May 19, 2014. VGTRK correspondent Ksenia Kibkalo and her camera crew were detained in Uzhgorod. The journalists were interrogated, their filming equipment confiscated, some of their video recordings deleted and they were ordered to leave the country under the threat of criminal prosecution.
May 20, 2014. A Ukrainian border patrol denied entry to staff from the RT Arabic channel into the country. The reason for the denial was that the journalists had not managed to justify the purpose of their travel.
May 20, 2014. Correspondent Yaroslav Lukashev from the ‘Vesti FM’ radio station was deported from Ukraine while in Kiev’s Borispil airport. Despite his identity document and Ukrainian journalist accreditation, he was told that he had not provided enough documents to justify the purpose of his travel in Ukraine.
May 20, 2014. British freelance reporter Graham Phillips, while working for RT, was detained by Ukraine’s National Guard at the checkpoint in Mariupol. He was searched and aggressively interrogated. Security forces accused Phillips of spying for Russia and detained him for 35 hours. After intervention by the Russian and British Foreign Ministries, Graham Phillips was released.
May 21, 2014. The Ukrainian Border Guard Service refused permission to enter the country to two VGTRK camera crews and a group of REN TV correspondents, which were going to cover the May 25 presidential election; even though they had identity documents and official accreditations from the Ukrainian Central Electoral Commission. The journalists were told that they had not justified the purpose of travel.
May 22, 2014. Kiev authorities blocked the operations of Invest Group- a major Ukrainian Multimedia holding.
May 22, 2014. A group of armed people occupied a building belonging to Ukraine’s ‘Vesti’ newspaper. The journalists regarded the occupation of the building as pressure on the mass media the day prior to the presidential election.
May 23, 2014. The Ukrainian Border Guard Service refused to permit a camera crew from the RT Spanish channel to enter the country, even though the correspondents had accreditations from Ukraine’s Central Electoral Commission. The journalists were going to Odessa to cover the presidential election.
May 24, 2014. Kiev authorities deported a VGTRK camera crew (led by special correspondent Alexander Rogatkin) from Ukraine. The journalists were there to cover the presidential election, but they were taken off their train at Konotop railway station, detained, and then ordered to leave the country. The group had all the required documents, including accreditation from the Ukrainian Central Electoral Commission, but the Russians were accused of holding forged documents.
May 24, 2014. A group of foreign journalists came under Ukrainian army mortar fire near Slavyansk. Andy Rocchelli, a correspondent from Italy’s Cesura agency, and Andrey Mironov, his Russian interpreter, were killed. William Roguelon, a French freelance photographer, was wounded in both legs.
May 24, 2014. The Ukrainian border patrol denied entry to ‘Kommersant FM’ correspondent Natalia Suvorova as she allegedly did not have enough money. The journalist was going to Kiev by train and carrying about 6,000 rubles in cash with more available via her banking card.
May 26, 2014. The Ukrainian Air Force conducted a missile and bombing raid on Donetsk airport where flights were stopped. A group of Russian and foreign journalists came under fire from Ukrainian security forces 500 meters from the airport.
May 26, 2014. Unidentified people opened fire on a car carrying an ITAR-TASS correspondent, damaging the vehicle. Fortunately, the journalist was not injured.
May 27, 2014. A ‘Mir-24’ camera crew came under sniper fire in Donetsk. According to correspondent Maxim Krasotkin, the sniper fired close to the camera crew as they tried to get closer to the airport.
May 29, 2014. Journalists from ‘Russia-24’ TV came under fire as they filmed near Donetsk airport. The gunshots, lasting about 10 minutes, came from a high-caliber weapon. No one got injured as a result of the shooting.
May 30, 2014. Dunja Mijatović, the OSCE Representative on Freedom of the Media, noted in a press release that the safety of journalists remained one of the main problems in east Ukraine.
June 6, 2014. Russia’s ‘Zvezda’ television channel revealed that two of its staff on assignment near Slavyansk had gone missing (cameraman Andrey Sushenkov and sound technician Anton Malishev). It transpired that they were detained by members of Ukraine’s National Guard at the checkpoint. According to a witness, the journalists had sacks put on their heads, were forced onto their knees and later taken to an unknown location. After their release the journalists said that, for two
days, they had been held ‘almost without water in a narrow, stuffy room, where the temperature reached 50 degrees’ and that methods of physical coercion had been used on them.
June 6, 2014. Oleg Lyashko, people’s deputy of Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada, provoked an incident with a VGTRK camera crew in parliament building. In the hall, Lyashko approached Russian journalist Alexander Balitskii and demanded he show his identity documents. Having received the accreditation card the deputy tried to tear it up. He then literally ejected the camera group out of the Rada, saying that the Russian journalists ‘did not have any moral right to enter the Ukrainian parliament’. The incident was accompanied by grievous public insults from Oleg Lyashko towards the Russian journalists.
June 17, 2014. Another terrifying tragedy took place near Lugansk. Mortar fire conducted by the Ukrainian security forces on an area where there were no military facilities resulted in the deaths of two VGTRK correspondents: Igor Kornelyuk and Alexander Voloshin.
30 June 2014. Camera operator Anatoly Klyan from ‘Pervyi kanal’ was killed by Kiev forces in Donetsk. A car with journalists of LifeNews TV was shot at with light weapons near a military unit, and were lucky to escape. Unknown persons started to shoot at engineering crews from the Mir 24 and REN TV channels.

Tragedy in Odessa

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 3. Everyone has the right to life, liberty and security of person.
Article 5. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 7. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 6. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment. In particular, no one shall be subjected without his free consent to medical or scientific experimentation.
Article 19. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.
Article 20. Any propaganda for war shall be prohibited by law.
Article 21. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and join trade unions for the protection of his interests. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right other than those which are prescribed by law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order, the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
Article 26. All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Article 3. No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 10. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.
Article 11. Freedom of assembly and association
Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and to freedom of association with others, including the right to form and to join trade unions for the protection of his interests.
No restrictions shall be placed on the exercise of these rights other than such as are prescribed by law and are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, for the prevention of disorder or crime, for the protection of health or morals or for the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. This article shall not prevent the imposition of lawful restrictions on the exercise of these rights by members of the armed forces, of the police or of the administration of the State.

Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (1995)

Article 9. The Parties undertake to recognise that the right to freedom of expression of every person belonging to a national minority includes freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas in the minority language, without interference by public authorities and regardless of frontiers. The Parties shall ensure, within the framework of their legal systems, that persons belonging to a national minority are not discriminated against in their access to the media.

May 2, 2014. A mass killing of Ukrainian federalisation supporters by militants of Ukrainian ultra-nationalist and neo-Nazi groups took place. In the middle of the day over a thousand radical football fans that had earlier been brought to Odessa, joined the armed ‘Right Sector’ and ‘Maidan Self-Defence’ in the march through the city centre under the slogan “For a united Ukraine”. Participants of the march were also chanting “Death to enemies” and “Knife the Moskals”. During the march numerous fights and gun fights broke out, instigated by unidentified persons wearing red sleeve badges. The first victims were wounded and killed.
By 7pm the radicals reached the ‘Kulikovo pole’ square where they destroyed and set fire to the tent encampment of the ‘Euromaidan’ opponents who were gathering signatures for the referendum on federalisation of Ukraine and granting Russian language an official language status. During the fight, THE attackers used gasoline bombs and pavement blocks; gunshots could be heard.
The federalisation supporters tried to take refuge in the Trades Union building, that was swiftly locked up and set on fire by the Ukrainian nationalists.
First, the main entrance and then the first floor lobby were set on fire. The fire spread to several floors, which was facilitated by preventing the fire brigades that had arrived into the square from putting it out. As stated by the Head of the Regional Department of the State Service for Emergency Situations of Ukraine, Volodymyr Bodelan, the firefighters arrived at the square in a timely manner; but the crowds at the Trades Union building would not let the vehicles approach the burning building.
Some Euromaidan supporters interfered with the firefighting operation in the Trades Union building. They prevented the federalisation supporters from escaping by shooting at the windows and fire escapes, and so forcing the barricaded people to jump out of the windows. Many fell to their deaths. Those who managed to escape were ruthlessly beaten by the crazed nationalists to the strains of the Ukrainian national anthem and screams of ‘Hail to Ukraine’. The burnt and beaten Maidan opponents were promptly arrested for arson by the police officers who’d been previously been standing aside.
According to official sources, 46 people (among them 8 women) died. The oldest was 70, the youngest — only 17 years old. Most were burned alive or died of carbon monoxide poisoning. 247 people sought medical help, 99 of whom were admitted to hospital. Another 48 people were missing as of May 5th.
In the meantime, O. Tzarev, a member of the Ukrainian parliament and a leader of ‘South-East’ movement, together with a number of Ukrainian politicians, claimed that the authorities were intentionally under-reporting the number of victims, concerned about possible public unrest. Based on the information from undisclosed sources in law enforcement and forensics, local media reported that the actual death toll was between 72 and 116 people. Among those killed was a local council member for the Regional party, V. Markin, who died in hospital as a result of the injuries he suffered after being beaten by ‘Right sector’ militants; and an Odessa poet, V. Negaturov, who died in an intensive care unit from the wounds he suffered at the Trades Union building).
May 2, 2014. The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs categorically condemned the tragic events, making a point that it serves ‘as additional evidence of the criminal lack of responsibility in the Kiev authorities, who are conniving with the national radicals, including the Right Sector, who brazenly organise a physical terror campaign against those who support federalisation and real constitutional changes in the Ukrainian community.’
May 3, 2014. The President of the Russian Federation, Vladimir Putin, expressed his condolences to the relatives of the victims killed in Odessa and added that he felt deepest indignation at the actions of the Kiev authorities, which can be interpreted as a crime.
May 3, 2014. The UN Secretary General Ban Ki-Moon demanded a conclusive investigation into the circumstances of what happened in Odessa on May 2nd.
May 3, 2014. The tragic events in Odessa were enthusiastically welcomed by the Ukrainian nationalist community who referred to them on their websites as a ‘triumph of the Ukrainian spirit’ and those who had burnt alive in the Trades Union building were referred to as ‘Colorado beetles’ and ‘Shish-kebab’.
What’s more, in her comment on the mass killing of Kiev government opponents by the ’Euromaidan’ militants, Iryna Farion, a Ukrainian parliament (Rada) deputy for the Svoboda party wrote the following: ‘Bravo, Odessa! You showed real Ukrainian spirit. You are the birthplace of the great nationalists Ivan and Yuri Leap. Let demons burn in hell! Football fans are the top rebels. Bravo!’
Another parliament deputy, and candidate for mayor of Kiev, L. Orobets of the Batkivshchyna party commented on the events in Odessa on her Facebook page saying: ‘This day will go down in history. Despite having been betrayed at least partly by the militia, the Odessans stood for Odessa and proved to all that Odessa is part of Ukraine. This victory was secured at the expense of the patriots’ lives. Colorado beetles mobs were eradicated. Aggressors that struck first were met with a resounding rebuff’.
Ukrainian presidential candidate, and a leader of Batkivshchyna’ party,
Y. Timoshenko, declared upon her arrival in Odessa that the burning of people was merely an attempt to protect an administrative building, while the attack on a federalisation supporters’ camp by radical nationalist was just a peaceful rally. Head of the Odessa region’s State Administration. V. Nemirovsky, announced on his Facebook page that ‘the actions of Odessans attempting to disarm and capture the armed terrorists are to be considered lawful’.
May 3, 2014. the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs declared that the preliminary investigation established that the fire in the Trades Union building was caused by gasoline bombs thrown down — that is — by the ‘pro-Russian activists’ trapped in the building. However, it conflicts with the footage filmed at the site of the tragedy and the numerous eyewitness testimonies maintaining that the fire started after the building was pelted with bottles filled with flammable liquid from the street. People inside the building were trapped as the attackers set the doors on fire. That same day the Ukrainian Ministry of Foreign Affairs was quick to lay the responsibility for what had happened in Odessa on the Russian secret service. The acting Head of the Ukrainian Presidential Administration, S. Pashinsky, also made similar remarks.
The Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs called this version ‘delirium, a total lie and cynicism’, demanding that Kiev disclose information as to whether there had been any Russian citizens among the victims of fire in Odessa, adding that, otherwise, such declarations should be viewed as another unfounded attempt to convince the public of a certain Russian trace in an attempt by Kiev’s authorities to dodge all responsibility for what’s happening in Ukraine.
After that, the Ukraine Security Service claimed that the Odessa turmoil was financed by former Ukraine Deputy Prime Minister S. Arbuzov and the former Inland Revenue Minister, A. Klimenko. In turn, Arbuzov and Klimenko fervently denied all accusations of their involvement in the events in Odessa in their interviews with the Russian press.
May 3, 2014. First Deputy Prime Minister of Ukraine V. Yarema stated that the people in the Trades Union building ‘died suddenly, very abruptly’ due to the ‘combustion of a certain substance that emitted gas’. Later, this version was repeated by the regional head of the Ukraine State Service for Emergency Situations of Ukraine,
V. Bodelan, who told the journalists that the majority of those who perished in the Trades Union building died as a result of intoxication by an unknown substance.
Also on May 3rd, after some hesitation, the self-proclaimed Kiev authorities declared two days of mourning in Ukraine to mark the deaths of the people in Odessa.
May 4, 2014. over a thousand Odessa residents besieged the City Department of Internal Affairs building, demanding the release of the federalisation supporters arrested on May 2nd. Picketers told the journalists that over 60 activists from ‘Kulikovo pole’ were taken away in police vans after they had escaped the burning building and were brutally beaten by radical nationalist militants. Some of them were wounded and burnt and required medical help; 11 of the arrested were women. The picketers also demanded the resignation of the Governor of the Odessa region, V. Nemirovsky. They called him a ‘murderer’, blaming him for the deaths of those who had burnt alive in the Trades Union building.
After the protesters tried to seize the building, the police started to release the arrested federalisation supporters. 67 protesters were discharged. However, 42 of the Kiev political opponents who were arrested on May 2nd, had already been transferred to a pre-trial detention facility in central Ukraine.
That same evening, ‘Right Sector’ radicals and representatives of the so-called ‘Maidan Self-defence’ besieged the regional police headquarters protesting against the earlier release of the federalisation supporters.
May 4, 2014. During his visit to Odessa, Ukrainian Prime Minister A. Yatsenyuk, appointed by the Ukrainian parliament — the Verkhovna Rada — pre-emptively laid the blame for what had happened on ‘terrorists’ and the police, ordering the Prosecutor General to look for the ‘Russian trace’.
On the same day, the Odessa region prosecutor’s office opened a case against police officers, holding them responsible for the deaths of 46 people during the clashes with the radicals on May 2nd.
May 4, 2014. The U.S. ambassador to Ukraine, G. Pyatt, stated in his interview with CNN that the USA had no proof of Russia’s involvement in the tragic events in Odessa on May 2nd.
May 5, 2014. After examining the Trades Union building in Odessa, OSCE monitoring mission members presented a report in which they concluded that the fire within the building spread along the hallways of the first two floors. According to their estimates, three days after the tragedy ‘the situation in the city remained tense’. The report also said that the majority of victims were identified as residents of Odessa and the neighboring regions of Ukraine. However, the OSCE staff didn’t get the chance to establish the events that led to the deaths of several dozen people in the Trades Union building as they were forced to leave the town in the afternoon due to personal security threats.
May 6, 2014. The Ukraine Ministry of Internal Affairs stated that no Russian passports were discovered on the people who perished in the Odessa Tradess Union building fire on May 2nd, despite previous announcements of this kind made in the Ukrainian media.
May 6, 2014. The Odessa Regional State Administration chairman, V. Nemirovsky, was relieved of his duties by the decree of the acting president of Ukraine, A. Turchinov.
He was replaced by I. Palitsa. On the same day, the newly-appointed Odessa region governor said that the tragedy of May 2nd in Odessa was caused by internal factors.
May 6, 2014. In Vienna, speaking at the Council of Europe ministerial meeting, the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation, S.V. Lavrov, noted that the events of May 2 were a frank display of fascism, but none of the radical nationalists who committed this terrible crime had been arrested. He feared that the investigation started by Kiev authorities might be “folded up” — as had happened with the fatal sniper shooting in the Ukrainian capital in February.
May 6, 2014. The UN High Commissioner for Human Rights N. Pillay made a statement in which she expressed deep concern about the surge of violence in Ukraine, which led to an increase in destruction and the number of casualties. The tragedy in Odessa caused particular concern for the High Commissioner. She urged the Kiev authorities to carry out a quick but thorough investigation of the events, both in Odessa and in the Donetsk region.
N. Pillay demanded that Kiev ensures full compliance of the military and police operations with international standards, noting that the police must protect peaceful demonstrators, regardless of their political views. The most important thing, the High Commissioner emphasized — is that the authorities set an example of full compliance with the principle of the supremacy of law and of the rigorous protection of the rights of the country’s entire population, especially its Russian- speaking citizens.
N. Pillay strongly condemned the acts of violence and harassment of journalists in Ukraine and demanded that freedom of speech be ensured in the country. However, she urged journalists to be objective and avoid inciting enmity.
May 7, 2014. T. Ivanenko, an Odessa resident who survived the fire in the city’s Trades Union building a week earlier, shared in an interview with RT that she had been inside the building and, along with other Odessa residents, carried plywood sheets into the building to block the entrance door. She said that the ‘Right Sector’ and the so-called ‘Maidan Self-defense’ militants were arriving from all directions. ‘Nobody expected such cruelty, and we had nowhere to escape,’ she said. In her words, after having burnt the tents of Euromaidan’s opponents on ‘Kulikovo pole’ square, the militants started throwing gasoline bombs at the Trades Union building. They were throwing noise grenades as well.
She could not be certain that the grenades contained any sort of poison, but said that ‘it was impossible to breathe’. According to her, ‘firefighters arrived very late; there were a lot of casualties by that time,’ and noting that ‘the Fire brigade is stationed 700 metres from the Trades Union building; out of 10 engines only 2 arrived. People blocked inside the building started shouting from the windows, asking that the elderly women be evacuated first. I was the last one to descend and I was wearing a St. George ribbon on my sleeve. There was no protection from the police, and the firefighters just handed me over to them,’ said Ivanenko, adding that seven activists remained on the roof during the night and, once taken down, ‘they didn’t get any medical help and were just driven to a detention cell’. Ivanenko believes that ‘those who allowed it to happen, namely the new Ukrainian authorities
steadily working towards the country’s break up’ are the one responsible for the tragedy of May 2.
7 May, 2014. A. Kuzhel, a member of Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada from the ‘Fatherland’ party, announced that parliament intends to create a temporary committee of inquiry to investigate the tragedy on May 2 in Odessa. Kuzhel admitted that the circumstances of people’s deaths raised multiple questions. She wondered in particular why the victims had only their faces burnt, but woollen clothes remained untouched by the fire.
On May 7, 2014 the Deputy Chief of the Regional Interior Ministry, D. Fuchedzhi, was detained on accusations of nonfeasance during the May 2 riots. He was also held responsible for releasing federalization supporters that were blocked in the Trades Union building. Later there was information that, on May 7, Fuchedzhi secretly left Ukraine.
The number of victims in Odessa after the events of May 2 reached 48 people, officials announced on May 11, 2013. Two more people died in hospital from gunshot wounds.
The Party of Regions fraction Ukraine’s Verhovna Rada demanded creating an interim committee to investigate civilian deaths in Odessa, Mariupol and other cities.
The grave of a victim of the Trades Union building fire on May 2 was violated in Odessa on May 13, 2014. Vandals burned wreaths and left a derogatory note. The cross was also damaged by the fire.
On May 15, 2014 Ihor Palytsia, the new Governor of the Odessa region, criticized the ‘Right Sector’ in his speech. Commenting on the tragic events of May 2 in Odessa, he said the members of this radical organization shouldn’t be present on the streets of the city. ‘Unfortunately, people died. And, unfortunately, during big rallies there are always some radical groups who come have a different agenda in mind. As for the radicals of today, they shouldn’t be allowed on the streets of the city. This is what I think about ‘Right Sector’. I think this group is funded by some people who pursue certain goals. There were no ideas in sight — wherever they appeared only provocations ensued,’ said Palytsia said at a meeting with the public initiative group ‘Odessa intellectuals’ Forum (Forum Odesskoy Intelligentsii)’.
On May 19, 2014 Chief of the main investigations section of Ukraine’s Department of Internal Affairs, Vitaly Sakal, told a press conference that investigators had discovered traces of chloroform in the Trades Union building.
On May 19, 2014 Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov wrote to the Secretaries General of the UN, the OSCE and the Council of Europe, as well as the Chairman-in- Office of the OSCE and the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights. In the letters he called on them to carry out an internationally-controlled, open, just and unbiased investigation of the events in Odessa. The Russian representatives suggested the Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) should also be involved in the investigation as the substances used during the attack on the Trades Union building may equate to chemical weapons.
On May 20, 2014 Tatjana Zhdanok, a Latvian member of the European Parliament, requested that the Ukrainian radical organization ‘Right Sector’ be prosecuted for using chemical weapons during the Odessa tragedy on May 2.
On May 21, 2014 Ivan Katerynchuk, the Odessa region’s newly-appointed Head of the Main Department of Internal Affairs, accused police officers of being unprofessional. He claimed that ‘everyone knew the rioters had weapons and gasoline bombs,’ and that ‘If they had confiscated them, there wouldn’t have been so many victims.’ The Odessa police chief also reported the arrest of girls who had prepared bottles with an incendiary mixture for the militants, noting that they were paid to do it.
Dmitry Fuchedzhi, the former Deputy Head of the Internal Affairs in the Odessa region, said on May 22, 2014 in an interview with the NTV channel that the events of May 2 in Odessa were the result of the Kiev government’s provocation. He claimed that, three days prior, Vladimir Nemirovsky, the Governor of the Odessa region, was summoned to the ‘acting president’s administration’ and received detailed instructions. Afterwards, A. Parubiy, the Secretary of Ukraine’s National Security and Defence Council, came to Odessa. Since mid-April ‘Euromaidan’ militants began arriving in the city. Dmitry Fuchedzhi maintained the police weren’t able to prevent the tragedy in a timely manner, since all staff members of the City’s Internal Affairs Ministry headquarters were called to a meeting. ‘I believe the meeting was part of the provocation,’ he said.
On June 5, 2014 Herman Van Rompuy, President of the European Council, told a press conference after the G7 Summit in Brussels that the Group of Seven demanded ‘an independent investigation of the serious episodes in Ukraine, including the Odessa tragedy’.

The Snipers’ Case: a mock investigation, violation of the right to the presumption of innocence and of the right to a fair trial

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 7. All are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to equal protection of the law. All are entitled to equal protection against any discrimination in violation of this Declaration and against any incitement to such discrimination.
Article 11. Everyone charged with a penal offence has the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law in a public trial at which he has had all the guarantees necessary for his defense.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Article 6.1. In the determination of his civil rights and obligations or of any criminal charge against him, everyone is entitled to a fair and public hearing within a reasonable time by an independent and impartial tribunal established by law.
Judgment shall be pronounced publicly but the press and public may be excluded from all or part of the trial in the interests of morals, public order or national security in a democratic society, where the interests of juveniles or the protection of the private life of the parties so require, or to the extent strictly necessary in the opinion of the court in special circumstances where publicity would prejudice the interests of justice.
Article 6.2. Everyone charged with a criminal offence shall be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 6. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Article 9.1. Everyone has the right to liberty and security of person. No one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest or detention. No one shall be deprived of his liberty except on such grounds and in accordance with such procedure as are established by law.
Article 9.2. Anyone who is arrested shall be informed, at the time of arrest, of the reasons for his arrest and shall be promptly informed of any charges against him.
Article 9.3. Anyone arrested or detained on a criminal charge shall be brought promptly before a judge or other officer authorized by law to exercise judicial power and shall be entitled to trial within a reasonable time or to release. It shall not be the general rule that persons awaiting trial shall be detained in custody, but release may be subject to guarantees to appear for trial, at any other stage of the judicial proceedings, and, should occasion arise, for execution of the judgment.
Article 9.4. Anyone who is deprived of his liberty by arrest or detention shall be entitled to take proceedings before a court, in order that that court may decide without delay on the lawfulness of his detention and order his release if the detention is not lawful.
Article 9.5. Anyone who has been the victim of unlawful arrest or detention shall have an enforceable right to compensation.
Article 14.2. Everyone charged with a criminal offence shall have the right to be presumed innocent until proved guilty according to law.
Article 26. All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law.

April 2, 2014. the Ukrainian President V. Yanukovych, ousted as a result of a coup d’état, spoke to the Russian and foreign media, commenting on the February events in Kiev and the so-called ‘snipers case’. He said that he had not issued orders to break up the rally and that ‘shots were fired from the buildings that were controlled by the opposition at that time’.
Previously, a recording of a telephone conversation between the Estonian Foreign Minister U. Paet and the European Union’s High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, C. Ashton, dated February 2014 was posted on the Internet. While discussing the results of his the visit to Ukraine, Estonian Foreign Minister Paet referred to the information he’d received from O. Bogomolets, the principle doctor of ‘Maidan’, regarding the incidents of people having been shot by snipers during the February protests in Kiev. According to him, all the evidence suggests that both protesters and police officers were killed by the same snipers. He also said that the new coalition didn’t want to investigate the circumstances of what had happened, and that more and more people understand that it was not V. Yanukovych who masterminded the shooters, but rather someone from the new coalition.
This version was later confirmed by the former Chief of the SSU (Security Service of Ukraine) A. Yakimenko in his interview with the ‘Russia 1’ TV channel on March 12, 2014. He said that unidentified snipers shooting at people from both sides (’Berkut’ members and civilians from the opposition alike) on February 20, 2014 were based in the Philharmonics building that was controlled by opposition forces and the so-called ‘Commandant of Maidan’, A. Parubiy, who was appointed Secretary to Ukraine’s National Security and Defence Council after the events of 21–22 February 2014. A. Yakimenko also noted that A. Parubiy had full control over the turnover of arms on Maidan, and not a single pistol, let alone a sniper rifle, could be brought in or out of the square without him knowing. A. Yakimenko said that, when the shootings began, he was approached by the ‘Right Sector leader D. Yarosh and the ‘Freedom’ leader O. Tyahnybok requesting to use the ‘Alpha’ Special Unit forces of the SSU (Security Service of Ukraine) to mop up the snipers from the buildings. However, in order to do that, they first had to obtain permission from the ‘Commandant of Maidan’ A. Parubiy; otherwise the Maidan protesters would start shooting the Alpha agents in the backs. A. Yakimenko requested A. Parubiy’ consent to have the unidentified snipers mopped up from the buildings, however,
A. Parubiy strongly opposed that.
According to the former Chief of the SSU, the snipers who fired shots from the Philharmonics building on February 20 were there to support the assault on Interior Ministry forces, ‘whose members were already demoralised and have, in fact, fled in panic, for fear of being shot like ducks in a shooting gallery,’ Yakimenko said in an interview with Russian television. They were chased by a group of armed people. At that point, Yakimenko said, snipers started firing at the pursuers of the police themselves, and they suffered losses. All of the shots were fired from the Philharmonics building.
When the first wave of shootings ended, many witnessed 20 peculiarly-dressed people leaving the building. They were carrying sniper rifle drag bags and Kalashnikov machine guns with optical sights. Yakimenko claimed that not only the law enforcers, but members of the opposition, such as ‘Freedom’, ‘Right Sector’, ‘Fatherland’, and ‘Udar’ parties witnessed it too. The snipers who had shot at people split into two groups of 10. One of the groups was lost track of by the SSU, the other one assumed a position in the Hotel “Ukraine”. The killings continued.
Yakimenko also stated that, according to intelligence, the snipers could be foreigners, such as mercenaries from the former Yugoslavia, as well former Special Forces agents from Ukraine’s Defence Ministry. Moreover, he called the events in Ukraine the result of external forces (and the U.S. in particular) playing out a scenario laid out for the 2015 Presidential vote ahead of time. Yakimenko also mentioned that A. Parubiy, V. Nalivaichenko and other ‘Euromaidan’ leaders are strongly associated with U.S. secret services.
April 3, 2014. Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office reported the detention of 12 former Berkut fighters on suspicion of using firearms in Kiev on 18–20 February.
On the same day Ukraine’s top officials — Acting Prosecutor General Oleg Makhnitsky, Acting Minister of the Interior Arsen Avakov and Head of the Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) Valentin Nalivaichenko said at a joint news conference that on 18–20 February Alpha Group snipers from the SBU Special Operations Centre and Berkut special police units fired at Euromaidan in Kiev on the order of President Viktor Yanukovych. Journalists and experts noted numerous discrepancies and contradictions in the facts quoted by the law enforcement officials and the lack of conclusive evidence to back their accusations.
April 3, 2014. Ukraine’s Prosecutor General’s Office issued a warrant for the arrest and delivery to court of former SBU Head Alexander Yakimenko on the grounds of organising the so-called anti-terrorist operation.
April 4, 2014. Former Ukrainian Minister of the Interior Vitaly Zakharchenko said in an interview with Channel One (Russia) that police officers were not to blame for massive shootings on Maidan Square. In his opinion both the Euromaidan protesters and Berkut fighters were hit by fire from the building that was controlled by so-called Maidan Commandant Andrei Paruby. According to Zakharchenko, Paruby controlled some other buildings in the city centre that had torture chambers,among other things .
April 6, 2014. Channel One broadcast a report where Berkut fighters in Kiev asked the cameraman: “Why have the trees with sniper bullets been cut down in Institutskaya Street?”
April 9, 2014. The media carried a statement of Georgian General Tristan Tsitelashvili to the effect that four Georgian snipers operated in Kiev on the order of former President Mikheil Saakashvili and under direct guidance of Givi Targamadze and Gia Baramidze.
April 10, 2014. Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Ad Hoc Investigating Commission that inquired into the causes of death of protesters on Kiev’s Independence Square in February 2014, MP Hennady Moskal spoke about a number of omissions made by the Prosecutor General’s Office and other law enforcement agencies during the inquiry into this case. He blamed them for their failure to provide ballistic and other essential evidence or seize the snipers’ rifles that may have been involved in the February events. He emphasised that “no material evidence has been collected; bullets are in different hospitals and nobody is conducting any expert examinations.”
Earlier Head of Ukraine’s Interior Ministry Medical Service Oleg Petrash also said that “no material evidence has been collected up to this day,” while the bullets extracted by doctors from corpses “are either in hospitals, or were given to the victims’ families or simply lost.”
April 10, 2014. During a meeting of the Verkhovna Rada Ad Hoc Investigating Commission, Deputy Head of the Ukrainian Interior Ministry Sokol Task Force Alexander Yershov admitted that two of its snipers were in the Government building on 20 February. He emphasised that they were not on the building’s roof and did not shoot at protestors. He added that no ballistic examinations were conducted on the weapons seized from the snipers — only an agency check was made.
April 15, 2014. Right Sector radicals blocked 60 former Berkut fighters from entering the Court of Appeal. The fighters had come to support their colleagues charged with “involvement in mass shootings on 18–20 February”.
Nationalist radicals in masks and with sticks threw eggs at the former Berkut fighters and demanded that they fall on their knees and “apologise to the people”. The conflict lasted for about two hours and was resolved only after the arrival of the Kiev police chief.
April 22, 2014. A group of hackers who call themselves “CyberBerkut” published on their website the hacked correspondence between Acting Minister of the Interior Avakov and his former Press Secretary journalist Dmitry Bruk. It followed from it that the murder of Alexander Muzychko (Sashko Bily), Right Sector coordinator, on 25 March 2014 in Western Ukraine had been planned by Avakov. Right Sector leader Dmitry Yarosh demanded by way of compensation for his death that Berkut fighters (5–7 people and most importantly the platoon commander) should be put behind bars. On these conditions the Right Sector agreed not to take revenge on Avakov for the death of their mate.
May 13, 2014 Having analysed the snipers’ ammunition the ad hoc commission announced that Berkut fighters did not shoot at protesters during the tragic events in Kiev in February. Its Head Hennady Moskal said the shots could have been fired by representatives of public organisations that had gone out of control. Without specifying which organisations he was referring to, Moskal said “the first shot was fired at the police.” He pointed out that, like the Kennedy case, the inquiry into these shootings may never be closed.

Ethnic and linguistic discrimination, xenophobia and aggressive nationalism.
Instigation of racism

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 20
Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.

International Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Racial Discrimination (1965)

Article 4
States Parties condemn all propaganda and all organisations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one colour or ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such discrimination and, to this end, with due regard to the principles embodied in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the rights expressly set forth in article 5 of this Convention, inter alia:
Shall declare an offence punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another colour or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof;
Shall declare illegal and prohibit organizations, and also organized and all other propaganda activities, which promote and incite racial discrimination, and shall recognize participation in such organizations or activities as an offence punishable by law;
Shall not permit public authorities or public institutions, national or local, to promote or incite racial discrimination.

April 1, 2014. 77 year-old Professor of Russian Philology at Kharkov National University, Doctor of Philology Alexander Mikhilev had to resign under pressure from his superiors, who forced him to teach and write academic papers on the Russian language and philology in Ukrainian only.
April 2, 2014. A movement to boycott Russian goods began to unfold in some regions of Ukraine, especially in the West. Its activists urged Ukrainians not to buy clothes in Russian shops or visit Russian-owned restaurants. They put up stickers in supermarkets: “Boycott the occupants! Protect Ukraine by buying Ukrainian products.” The Magnat cinema in Kiev refused to screen Russian films. Activists also developed a “Boycott the occupants” mobile application for telephones for scanning the bar code of products to see where they were made.
April 2, 2014. SBU detained two Russian citizens in the Lvov Region for an alleged attempt to take hostage several Ukrainians, including a presidential candidate.
April 3, 2014. Top managers of the Vesyolka supermarket chain in the Sumy Region made a decision to identify Russian-made products on all price tags. In this way customers were given a choice to buy Russian products, thereby “supporting the aggressor”, or ignore them.
April 3, 2014. Speaking about the situation on the border with Ukraine, Transnistria Foreign Minister Nina Shtanski said that the Ukraine-imposed restrictions on Russian residents in Transnistria were “not just sanctions but also discrimination on several grounds, including ethnicity and citizenship”. She said “people are ordered to leave trains and buses — even at night, and are treated with disrespect.”
April 4, 2014. Ukraine’s State Consumer Rights Inspectorate prohibited local shops to sell some Russian products. It blacklisted the confectionaries Krasny Oktyabr, RotFront, Russky Shokolad and the Babayevsky concern. The ban also applied to cheese and tinned fish. The investigation into Russian products was initiated by Oleg Tyahnybok, leader of the Freedom Association in the Verkhovna Rada. Meanwhile, Ukraine’s State Veterinary and Phytosanitary Service had no complaints about Russian goods.
April 9, 2014. Unidentified individuals desecrated a monument to Holocaust victims in Odessa. They painted a swastika and a “wolf’s hook”, a neo-Nazi symbol, on it in white. Several dozen Jewish gravestones at the Tairovsky Cemetery were also desecrated with black swastikas. Inscriptions on the cemetery’s fence read: “Death to Yids,” “Right Sector” and “Glory to Ukraine.”
April 9, 2014. SBU reported the detention of 23 year-old Russian citizen Maria Koleda. SBU accused her of “destabilising the region on FSB’s orders” and taking part in the assault on the regional administration building in Nikolayev, during which she ostensibly wounded three people.
Early hours of April 14, 2014. An unidentified group threw stones at the door of the Honorary Consulate of the Russian Federation in Chernigov. They tore off and stole the signboard with the name of the institution and put up offensive leaflets. The consulate’s property was damaged.
April 15, 2014. The media reported that about 12,000 Russian citizens had not been allowed to enter Ukraine since the adoption of tougher border control measures.
April 17, 2014. Ukraine’s State Border Service banned all male citizens of the Russian Federation between the ages of 16 and 60 from entering the country on all modes of transportation. The ban also applied to Ukrainian citizens registered in the RF Republic of Crimea.
April 18, 2014. Ukrainian border guards did not allow about 600 Russian citizens to cross the border.
April 18, 2014. Several soldiers conscripted from Crimea before its reunification with Russia were put into disciplinary cells in Odessa for their reluctance to continue service in the Ukrainian Army.
April 20, 2014. Border guards at Ukrainian airports did not allow four passengers to enter Ukraine during the Easter holidays.
April 20, 2014. Right Sector radicals staged an Easter march in the centre of Kiev under the slogans: “Glory to the nation — death to the enemies,” “Stab a Moskal” (derogatory name for Russians), and “Let’s kill our enemies — Moskals.”
April 21, 2014. An SBU representative reported the detention in Kharkov of a Russian “spy” ostensibly posing as a beggar.
April 22, 2014. Chief of the Press Department of the Ukrainian Border Service Oleg Slobodyan said that over a thousand Russian citizens had not been allowed to enter Ukraine since 17 April 2014.
April 23, 2014. The antifashist.соm reported quoting famous Israeli public figure and publicist Avigdor Eskin that Ukrainian anti-Semites committed another act of vandalism at a cemetery that Jews consider sacred — a swastika was painted on the mass grave where the Nazi-murdered brother of the last Lubavitcher Rebbe lay buried.
April 23, 2014. Acting Head of the Kremenchug Police in the Poltava Region Denis Zakharchenko promised at a news conference “to punish inflammatory speech with prison”, including “statements that life in Russia is better than in Ukraine”.
April 25, 2014. Billboards with swastikas made of St. George’s ribbons and accompanied by offensive statements appeared on the Kiev-Chop Motorway and in the city of Mukachevo (Trans-Carpathian Region). A number of public figures in the region and the majority of commentators in social media qualified such actions as incitement of ethnic hatred and urged those responsible to stop the hysteria over St. George’s ribbons.
April 25, 2014. A monument to separatists was installed in Uzhgorod (Trans- Carpathian Region). It represented a figure of a man in a uniform jacket with Russian flags and a suitcase in hand. The monument was named “Suitcase-Railway Station- Russia!” It is planned to install a “separatist’s dictionary” next to the monument in the near future.
April 26, 2014. The installation “Beware of Russians” was presented as part of the Ukrainian Cultural Front project organised by Euromaidan activists. The installation consisted of three people wearing St. George’s ribbons in a cage with the warning sign: “Don’t feed the animals.” These people were sitting on the floor filled with rubbish; they drank vodka, played a balalaika, hurled obscenities at the visitors and threatened them. The organisers of the installation explained that they wanted to depict the character of the Russian people.
May 1, 2014. Ukrainian border guards and SBU officers detained and beat up а citizen of Belarus and two Russians who accompanied him at the Dovzhansky checkpoint at the Ukrainian border with Russia’s Rostov Region. A resident of Gomel was returning home from a mountain climbing trip in Russia. Ukrainian border guards qualified his climbing gear as “equipment of a subversive group”. The travellers were beaten up and expelled from Ukrainian territory with a 3-year entry ban.
May 1, 2014. Ukrainian border guards ordered S. Ivanov, a resident of Odessa, to leave his bus at the Moldovan-Ukrainian border. He was returning home after visiting his relations in Moldova. Ivanov was interrogated for an hour on suspicion of involvement in massive disturbances and propaganda of separatism. He tried to explain that he was an ethnic Bulgarian on his father’s side and Ukrainian on his mother’s, that he was born in Moldavia, had Ukrainian citizenship and was registered as residing in Odessa. He said he had never taken part in any rallies. The border guards told him that their orders were to check all visitors with Russian- sounding surnames. After an hour’s brainwashing the Ukrainian of Moldavian- Bulgarian origin was allowed to enter Ukraine.
May 2, 2014. NIBULON Director, Hero of Ukraine Alexei Vadatursky delivered a speech at a meeting on defence issues at the Nikolayev Region Council. He announced his readiness to pay monetary awards for assistance in catching “collaborationists, conspirators and pro-Russian separatists trying to violate Ukraine’s constitutional system and territorial integrity”. He promised to speak with every employee of his company that is registered as Russian in a corporate form. Vadatursky also favoured a ban on pro-Russian rallies in Nikolayev.
May 4, 2014. Unidentified individuals set fire to the Russian Cultural Centre in Lvov.
May 6, 2014. A number of leading media in Lvov broadcast features on identifying “Russian provocateurs”. A group of journalists from the local 24 TV Channel organised a search for “suspicious young people” at suburban hotels. Although it produced zero results, the journalists said that hotel employees told them privately about visitors “with Russian or Transnistrian registration”. They urged everyone to report information on suspicious visitors to the People’s Self-Defence or the police. The city organisation of the Freedom Association also spoke about provocations ostensibly prepared by “subversive groups” arriving in the city from “the direction of Transnistria and Moldova”.
May 7, 2014. Deputy Chairman of the Freedom Association Oleg Pankevich urged the acting Minister of the Interior, head of SBU (the Security Service of Ukraine) and secretary of the Council for National Security and Defence to determine whether it was appropriate to let Mikhail Fabrin head the Kherson Region Police. In 2010 Fabrin took part in the elections to the Verkhovna Rada from the Russian Unity party.
May 7, 2014. Unidentified individuals damaged the memorial plaque to Soviet military leader Georgy Zhukov located in the street named in his honour. This is not the first time that vandals have tried to destroy this plaque. They are particularly active on the eve of the dates linked with the Great Patriotic War.
May 9, 2014. Governor of the Kherson Region and member of the Batkivshchyna (Fatherland) Party Yury Odarchenko called Hitler “a liberator” at the meeting devoted to Victory Day.
May 14, 2014. The Verkhovna Rada MP Oleg Tsaryov published a scanned copy of a top secret SBU memorandum. Dated 29 April 2014 and signed by First Deputy Head of SBU Vasily Krutov, this document was sent to SBU regional departments. It read, in part:
“To discredit the actions of the Russian Federation, help the Ukrainian Government, stabilise the socioeconomic and political situation in the country, neutralise threats to security emanating from pro-Russian terrorists and curb the activities of separatists, I order the implementation of a package of counterintelligence and outreach measures:
To consistently identify citizens of the Russian Federation arriving on the territory of Ukraine’s border areas in March-April 2014.
To single out those from this category that do not have family members in Ukraine and that sympathise with pro-Russian terrorists.
To establish operational and technical surveillance over those individuals. To create the conditions for outreach measures for presenting them as heads of subversive groups sent by the secret services of the Russian Federation to assist the separatist movement in Ukraine’s border areas and conduct subversive and terrorist acts against the units and facilities of the Defence Ministry, the Ministry of the Interior and the Security Service of Ukraine. To establish cooperation with the media; to report via the SBU Press Service that the said persons underwent special training in the Russian regions bordering on Ukraine; had firearms and explosives in their possession; involved Ukrainian citizens in cooperation with them; conducted active intelligence and subversive operations to inflict damage to Ukraine’s security; admitted being agents of Russian secret services preparing subversions.
Implementation of these measures must be reported by an encrypted telegram at 6 p.m. on a daily basis.”
Thus, the SBU executives ordered their subordinates to detain innocent people and falsify their evidence in order to fan anti-Russian hysteria to set Ukrainian citizens at loggerheads with the Russian Federation.
Early hours of May 15, 2014. Unidentified individuals desecrated a stele in Kharkov, which was installed as a symbol of friendship between Ukraine and Russia. It was partially damaged. The vandals sprayed it with red paint, covering the word “friendship”, and wrote obscenities instead.
May 16, 2014. Assistant to the Head of Ukraine’s State Border Service Sergei Astakhov said at a news conference that Ukrainian border guards had stopped about 20,000 people from Russia from entering Ukraine. About 200 people suspected of extremist activities were detained and transferred to SBU.
May 17, 2014. During the televised debates of presidential candidates, Right Sector leader Dmitry Yarosh called for a “large-scale guerrilla war” in the south-east of Ukraine and Crimea.
May 29, 2014. SBU arrested Sergei Bugayev, a school principal in the village of Alexandrovka, Kherson Region. Two days earlier his son Andrei, a third-year student at the Nakhimov Black Sea Naval Academy, told him by phone that he had obtained a Russian passport. The teacher was instantly brought from the school to Kiev’s pre-trial detention centre.
Early hours of May 30, 2014. Unidentified individuals threw Molotov cocktails at the Kiev office of Russian Radio.

Manifestations of religious intolerance, including threats to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Moscow Patriarchate

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (1948)

Article 5. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 18. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief, and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in teaching, practice, worship and observance.
Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.

International Covenant
on Civil and Political Rights (1966)

Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 18. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion. This right shall include freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice, and freedom, either individually or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief in worship, observance, practice and teaching.
Article 19. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (1950)

Article 3. No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 9. Everyone has the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion; this right includes freedom to change his religion or belief and freedom, either alone or in community with others and in public or private, to manifest his religion or belief, in worship, teaching, practice and observance.
Article 10. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.

April 2, 2014. The Odessa Diocese of the Moscow Patriarchate’s Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) addressed the Verkhovna Rada Speaker Alexander Turchinov with an open letter in connection with the search conducted by SBU investigators on 1 April 2014. They searched the house of the Head of the Diocesan Department of the Odessa Diocese for Education, Missionary Activities and Catechism, rector of the Holy Martyr Tatiana’s Church, merited clergyman and head of a family with three children Archpriest Oleg Mokryak. The letter ends with
the words: “We express our resolute civil protest against the actions by the Security Service of Ukraine, which is guided by principles of intimidation and reprisals. We demand that as Speaker of Ukrainian Parliament you intervene immediately to stop anti-Constitutional actions and violations of the rights and freedoms of Ukrainian citizens, including clergymen of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church. It is impossible to unify Ukraine by speaking in the language of threats, ultimatums, intimidations, provocations, political reprisals and harassment of dissenters. We do not want public unrest to become massive and upset peace in our multi-ethnic and multi- cultural state. We hope for a fair and sensible resolution of the issue.”
April 3, 2014. Metropolitan Agafangel of Odessa and Izmail and Alexandra Hudokormoff, head of the monitoring mission of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in the Odessa Region, met to discuss the issues with the rights of Orthodox believers in Ukraine. The Metropolitan handed to the UN representative an appeal of the clergy and parishioners of the Odessa Diocese to the UN Secretary-General to defend Archpriest Mokryak, who is being subjected to political reprisals and illegal harassment by Ukraine’s security services.
April 10, 2014. Secretary of the Odessa Diocese of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church Archpriest Andrei Novikov was forced to move from Odessa to Moscow fearing harassment by Ukrainian law enforcement bodies. He said he was accused of connections with anti-Maidan activists and summoned for questioning to Kiev. His telephones were tapped by Ukrainian security services.
Several days earlier Head of the Diocesan Department of the Odessa Diocese for Education, Missionary Activities and Catechism Archpriest Oleg Mokryak also had to leave Odessa. For a long time he was subjected to harassment and intimidation by SBU for his convictions. SBU searched his house.
Early hours of April 19, 2014. Unidentified individuals attempted to set fire to the synagogue in Nikolayev. They threw two Molotov cocktails at the front of the building.
May 7, 2014. Metropolitan Agafangel of Odessa and Izmail made an open appeal to UN and OSCE representatives in Ukraine and the Kiev authorities with a request to protect the Church against extremists that have been threatening the clergy.
“A wave of attacks on clergymen of the canonical Ukrainian Orthodox Church and attempts to seize Orthodox churches has swept Ukraine. The Kiev Cave and Pochayiv lavras were under siege. Threats were made in Sumy to burn Archbishop Eulogius alive (with Molotov cocktails) along with the cathedral and the diocesan department. Some of the priests of the canonical church, including me, the
governor of the Odessa Diocese, have been threatened with physical violence,” the Metropolitan said.
In his opinion, attempts to drive Orthodox believers out of their churches “are splitting society and fanning religious strife” and also “violating the fundamental and inalienable human rights to freedom of religion”. He emphasised that “massive unrest and the threat of military action have already generated a spiritual confrontation”.
May 7, 2014. Speaker of the Crimean State Council Vladimir Konstantinov told journalists that after the bloody events in Odessa refugees from Ukraine started arriving in Crimea. They included clergymen who “virtually fled from reprisals that “Right Sector” militants had planned against them”.
May 8, 2014. The press service of the Sumy Diocese had to make a statement to refute inflammatory rumours to the effect that pro-Russian activists were staying in the Transfiguration Cathedral of Sumy and clergymen were giving them weapons. Based on these unfounded accusations, the law enforcement bodies of the Sumy Region searched the cathedral and demanded explanations from Head of the Sumy Diocese Archbishop Eulogius as regards suspicions of hiding and arming “separatists”. A man dressed in the military uniform of the territorial defenсe department threatened the archbishop that he would “shoot to kill” separatists that were ostensibly hiding in the cathedral.
The Diocese of Sumy pointed out in a statement that inflammatory rumours and aggressive actions against the clergy and parishioners of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church are aimed at “appointing” Orthodox believers the enemies of the Ukrainian statehood.
May 9, 2014. Archpriest of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church and rector of the Dmitry Donskoi Cathedral in the town of Druzhayevka Father Pavel (Zhuchenko) was murdered near a checkpoint. He provided spiritual support to the residents of Slaviansk and self-defence fighters.
May 10, 2014. Metropolitan Hilarion of Volokolamsk, Chairman of the Moscow Patriarchate Department for External Church Relations, was denied entry to Ukraine with no explanation at the passport control in Dnepropetrovsk Airport. He arrived in Dnepropetrovsk to congratulate Metropolitan Irinei of Dnepropetrovsk and Pavlograd on his 75th birthday, convey to him a message of greetings from Patriarch Kirill of Moscow and All Russia and award him with the Order of Holy Prince Daniel of Moscow.
May 13, 2014. Archpriest Alexei Yefimov, rector of the Cathedral of St Antony and St Theodosius of the Kiev Cave Lavra, in Vasilkovo near Kiev, told the media that nationalists had threatened him with physical violence for giving communion to Berkut fighters and internal troops on Euromaidan in February 2014.
May 31, 2014. Archpriest of the St. Nicholas Cathedral in the town of Novoaidar (Lugansk Region) Vladimir Maretsky said Ukrainian military tortured him after arresting on 25 May on suspicions of attacking ballot stations. Father Vladimir showed traces from handcuffs. Father Vladimir showed the media the evidence of having been handcuffed. He said he was cuffed and that “they kicked the handcuffs closed with their feet”.


The upsurge of protests in the south and east of Ukraine was a direct consequence of the change of power in Kiev as a result of the anti-constitutional violent coup that was carried out by Euromaidan advocates with active support of the United States and a number of European Union countries. After the Verkhovna Rada was forcibly and roughly reset to suit the goals of the former opposition leaders, including radical nationalists, those who did not accept the new Ukrainian order have been subjected to a serious threat, including the threat to their lives.
The tragic events in Odessa, Mariupol and other cities of the southeast have become yet another confirmation of the Kiev authorities’ criminal use of crude force and intimidation in violation of the commitments stemming from the agreement of February 21, 2014 and the Geneva statement of April 17, 2014.
The facts quoted in the White Book are evidence of the criminal nature of the “anti- terrorist operation” with its treacherous shelling of civilian facilities and killings of Ukrainian civilians, including women, old people and children.
We are gravely concerned that the majority of crude violations of human rights and the principle of the rule of law have not evoked an adequate and clear response from the international community and international human rights bodies. This creates the impression that the punitive operation by the Ukrainian law enforcement bodies against their own people enjoyed the tacit support of some European capitals from the very start. Naturally, this state of affairs is creating a feeling of impunity in those who are issuing cynical and criminal orders, be it to throw bombs at peaceful cities and villages, abduct dissenting journalists or conduct political censorship of the media. After his inauguration President Petro Poroshenko announced the need
for a ceasefire in southeast Ukraine but the bloodshed continued and civilians were still dying at the moment this publication was sent to print.
We hope that the Western patrons of the Ukrainian authorities will finally prompt Kiev to stop the annihilation of people in the southeast, who have the legitimate right to have an equal say in determining the future of their country. We also hope that profile international agencies will fulfil their mandates by conducting an unbiased and politically neutral inquiry into numerous violations of human rights and the principle of the rule of law in Ukraine. The culprits must be brought to justice.

On June 17, journalists from the VGTRK TV channel — Anton Voloshin and Igor Kornelyuk — killed performing their job while covering the situation near Lugansk. According to an eyewitness, a mortar shell fired by ukrainian forces landed at their feet. On June 30, Channel One cameraman Anatoly Klyan killed near Donetsk

Journalists from the Russian «Zvezda» TV channel — Evgeny Davydov and Nikita Kanashenkov — were lucky: after several days of torture and abuse, militants from the «Pravyi sektor» finally handed their victims over to representatives of the Kiev authorities. The russians survived

Ukrainian police «did not notice» when «peaceful protesters» tore flags down at the Russian embassy in Kiev

In Slavyansk, a family hides in the basement from more artillery fire conducted by ukrainian forces. Meanwhile, Petro Poroshenko talks of a ceasefire

Relatives of ukrainian conscripts do not want Kiev authorities to send their loved ones to participate in the punitive operation in Donbass

6, 7. After lengthy negotiations, officers from a military unit near Lugansk agree to «hand over» conscripts to their mothers

A shell fired by ukrainian forces hit a hall of school No. 13 in Slavyansk. Children and teachers were lucky to have enough time to hide in the school’s basement
In Slavyansk, parents hide children in cellars from missile attacks. There are no real bomb shelters. Who would have thought such a time would come when people have to hide from air strikes conducted by their own aviation?
Radio amateurs intercepted talks between a ukrainian Su-25 pilot and his command during a military mission in Donetsk

In Donetsk, miners from five mines protest against the actions of ukrainian servicemen

This woman died in artillery fire aimed at Donetsk railway station

The «Pravyi sektor» militants brought death to Slavyansk

The presidential election in Ukraine did not stop the civil war

Nowadays, a mobilisation of volunteers to punitive detachments is held at Independence Square in Kiev in order to «clean up» South-East Ukraine of dissidents

A mine launched by ukrainian security forces hit a common dwelling house in the village of Andreevka

Ukrainian members of punitive detachments treat russian journalists from the «Life News» TV channel as terrorists

After two months of detention, Pavel Gubarev, the people’s Governor of the Donetsk Republic, was released

Ukrainian servicemen used helicopters bearing UN symbols in punitive operations, which is prohibited by the international organisation’s regulations

Alexander Malykhin, chairman of the Central Election Commission of the Lugansk region, announces the results of the referendum: most people support the separation of the region from Ukraine

As well as four schools, ukrainian security forces occupied a local parliament building in Krasnoarmeysk

As is seen in the photo, one of the militants aims a gun at an unarmed Krasnoarmeysk resident

But people did not disperse. Firing began. One local citizen received leg injuries

The citizens of Mariupol defended their city from Kiev’s punitive detachments. The assailants armoured vehicles were captured as war trophies

25, 26. Mariupol police officers, who ignored illegitimate orders from Kiev, were shot point-blank by militants from the Ukraine National Guard. Local citizens helped to take them to hospital. A police station in Mariupol was completely burned out

There were queues at polling stations in Mariupol — people wanted to vote in a referendum on the status of the Donetsk region

British reporter Graham Phillips confirmed that the armoured train struck by the Ukrainian army was, in fact, an old rusty wagon. But Kiev officials did not like this evidence. Euromaidan activists promised a $10,000 reward for Phillips’s head

Many citizens carry flowers to the burnt-out Trades Union building in Odessa
The Trades Union building in Odessa was almost burnt out as a result of arson. Supporters of federalisation, who were hiding inside, had no chance to escape
«Pravyi sektor» militants in Odessa first burned St. George ribbons, and then those who were wearing them




First, «Pravyi sektor» activists blocked the doors of the Trades Union building in Odessa. Then they started throwing «Molotov cocktails» at the building. Hundreds of people died. Those who survived and sneaked out of the building, which was set on fire by fascist thugs, were finished off in cold blood with clubs
«Pravyi sektor» activists prepare «Molotov cocktails» for the arson attack at the Trades Union premises

Dmitry Fuchedzhi, the acting head of Odessa’s regional Internal Affairs department, is behind an armed militant. One of the attackers wears a St. George armband — a provocation. The ukrainian fascists also have red armbands in order not to be confused by friends of being the federalisation supporters. When the inciters began to burn the Trades Union building, they removed the St. George ribbons. The red armbands seem to have been forgotten. They continued throwing «Molotov cocktails» wearing the red ribbons

The inciters in Odessa (who purposely wore St. George ribbons and red armbands — so as not to be confused among the «Pravyi sektor» activists) were armed and just strolled among the militia

Dnepropetrovsk region Governor Igor Kolomoiskiy (pictured right) was behind the cynical initiative

After visiting the Prosecutor General following the attack by «Pravyi sektor« militants, Oleg Tsarev announced his withdrawal from the Ukrainian presidential election
Who shot Gennady Kernes, the mayor of Kharkov? According to experts, it is unlikely that the current ukrainian authorities will succeed in identifying either the clients or executors of this crime. After all, the organisers of the attempted assassination might occupy senior positions ukraine’s security services

#EU Military Supply Ban To Kiev Lifted #Complicity

Without military supply ban, EU responsible for bloodshed in Ukraine – Russia ForMin


MOSCOW, August 2 (Itar-Tass) – Russia’s Foreign Ministry on Saturday accused the European Union of withdrawing a ban on supplying Ukraine with military technology and equipment “on the quiet.”

“During a recent meeting of the Council of Europe in Brussels, leaders of EU member states agreed ‘on the quiet’ to remove restrictions on exports to Kiev of equipment that could be used for internal repression,” the ministry said in a statement. “Exports of military technologies and equipment were also allowed.”

The ministry also called on the 28-nation EU not to be “goaded” by Washington over events in east Ukraine, where Ukrainian government forces are continuing a military operation.

The European Union’s decision to lift restrictions on exports of military equipment to Ukraine reflects double standards, the ministry said.

The restrictions were imposed by the EU Council on February 20 when Viktor Yanukovich was in power as president, and a tough confrontation continued between armed radical nationalists and factually unarmed police at Maidan in Kiev.
At the time, the European Union
believed it was not right to supply arms and military equipment for Yanukovich’s regime.

Now, despite current Kiev authorities’ military operation in the southeast of the country, the EU has decided to allow export of military equipment in full to Ukraine,

the ministry said.

It is clear why the EU keeps silent over irrefutable facts of shelling of Russia’s territory from Ukraine
“Prospects to feel own involvement in such actions perhaps creates some discomfort in Brussels.”

The decision does not only show double standards, but it is contrary to the EU rules of control over export of military technologies and equipment.
The rules were approved by the EU Council on December 8, 2008 and defined standards and a code of behavior as minimal requirements to regulate supply of military products. Point Three of the rules calls for giving no license for export of a military technology and equipment that can provoke or prolong an armed conflict or aggravate tension or a conflict in the country where it is used. Point Two stipulates that supplied arms must not be used for repressions in the country.

It is obvious that to achieve doubtful political goals, Brussels is ready not only to ignore how Kiev fulfils its international obligations, but also violate regulations of its own documents, the ministry said.
The Russian Foreign Ministry urged EU colleagues to follow sound logic, but not considerations of the situation and not to be “goaded” by Washington.
“A decision to ban supply of arms and special equipment to Ukraine was needed after the beginning of the “antiterrorist” operation in Donbass and the Lugansk regions. But it is not late now to resume the ban,” the ministry said, adding “Without it, the European Union’s responsibility for continuing bloodshed in the southeast of Ukraine will increase.”


Ukrainian Army Used Phosphorus Bombs on Civilians – Russian Defense Ministry | World


MOSCOW, July 25 (RIA Novosti) – Russia says it has evidence that Ukraine used phosphorus bombs on populated areas in the country’s east, the deputy head of operations at Russia’s General Staff said on Friday.

“Today, we have reliable confirmation that phosphoric ammunition was used in the cities I’ve noted and in populated areas of Ukraine,” Maj.Gen. Viktor Poznikhir said on Rossiya-24 television.

He said that confirmation comes from the characteristic signs of using phosphoric ammunition.

“This is the high-speed descent as opposed to star shells that give out bright burning elements over a large area that look like raining sparks that create large fires in the areas they fall in and have a high burning temperature,” he said.

Poznikhir added that the Ukrainian army used phosphorous bombs in eastern Ukraine at least six times.

“Russian Defense Ministry has carefully studied the existing information on numerous cases of phosphorous and cluster bombs being used by the Ukrainian Army against civilians,” he added.

According to Viktor Poznikhir, the Defense Ministry of Russian Federation is aware of the following cases of phosphorous bombs being used by the Ukrainian Army: the shelling of the city of Slaviansk on June 12; phosphorous bombs being used by the Ukrainian air forces on Slaviansk and Kramatorsk on June 21; the shieling of Semenivka using phosphorous and cluster bombs on June 24; the shieling of Semenivka on June 29; the shieling of Lisichansk on July 7, phosphorous bombs being used by Ukrainian air forces on Donetsk on July 23.

Chief Surgeon of the Armed Forces of Russian Federation Nikolai Efimenko said that use of phosphorous bombs may have irreversible consequences on people and may also have a negative impact on environment. Phosphorous poisoning may cause serious illnesses and even lead to death.

Since Kiev launched special military operation against independence supporters in eastern Ukraine in April, hundreds of people, including civilians and journalists on professional duty have died in the region.

Last month, Moscow officials said that they may submit an inquest to the Organization for Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) on the possible use of chemical weapons in eastern Ukraine.

Ukraine’s Security Service earlier confirmed that an unknown substance was found in the burnt building in Odessa, after the May 2 tragedy. Although Kiev officials insist most of the victims died of smoke inhalation or were killed when jumping out of windows, media reports suggest that many of the dead were poisoned by an unknown toxic chemical.

In June, the independence supporters’ representatives said unidentified chemical weapons have been used by the Ukrainian army in an attack on the village of Semenivka near Slaviansk in Ukraine’s east. Local militia leaders argued people showing symptoms of chlorine poisoning had been admitted to local hospitals.

Moscow has described the ongoing military action as a punitive operation and has repeatedly called on Kiev to resolve the conflict through peaceful dialogue.




Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation


Moscow April 2014


Introduction …………………………………5
Violations of the right to life, violations
of public order and safety, the use of torture,
inhuman treatment and committed iniquity ………………………………………..7
Interference in the internal affairs
of a sovereign state…………………….. 29

Weapons, equipment, and tactics
of the Euromaidan participants. Evidence
of deliberately committed violence and provocations
by the so-called “Peaceful demonstrators” ……………………………35

Violations of the right for freedom of thought and belief, including political beliefs, and violations of the right
to express them. Restrictions on freedom of the media
and intimidation of dissidents. Censorship ……………………………….41

Discrimination along ethnic and linguistic lines, xenophobia and racial extremism.
Incitement of racial hatred …………51

Religious intolerance, including threats to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the Moscow Patriarchate ………….59

Conclusion………………………………… 63


This study covers the period from the end of November 2013 to the end of March 2014 and deals with the situation with human rights and the rule of law that emerged in Ukraine as a result of a violent seizure of power and unconstitutional coup.
As a factual basis, a careful monitoring of Ukrainian, Russian and some Western media reports was conducted, covering statements and announcements made by the leaders of the “new government” of Ukraine and their supporters, numerous eyewitness accounts, including those posted on the Internet, as well as records based on observations and interviews with people on the scene, and those collected by non-governmental organization The Foundation for Researching Problems in Democracy, and the Moscow Bureau for Human Rights.
Excerpts from the basic international documents on human rights whose universal regulations and standards have been violated in Ukraine during the indicated period precede each section of this study.
We do not claim to report exhaustively in this White Book all tragic events that took place in Ukraine. Nonetheless, the present list of the most flagrant violations of fundamental international norms of human rights and the rule of law committed in this country, by ultranationalist, neo-Nazi, and extremist forces which have monopolized the Euromaidan protests, far from being exhaustive, gives enough grounds to claim that such violations were widespread.
The essential task of this White Book is to focus on facts to which the international community and key international human rights bodies, as well as relevant non- governmental organizations have not shown proper and impartial attention.

The history of the twentieth century has given tragic lessons which would be irresponsible and also at times just unlawful to ignore. The White Book is a signal to those who have forgotten this or pretend to forget. Those who cynically, in pursuit of their own selfish interests and under the guise of good intentions and pseudo-democratic demagogy, are plunging a multimillion multi-ethnic Ukrainian population into extremism, lawlessness, and a deep crisis of national identity.
The onslaught of racism, xenophobia, ethnic intolerance, the glorification of the Nazis and their Banderite sycophants should be brought to a speedy end through the united efforts of the Ukrainian people and the international community. The alternative is fraught with so devastating consequences for peace, stability, and democratic development in Europe, that it is absolutely necessary to prevent further escalation of this situation.

Violations of the right to life, violations of public order and safety, the use of torture, inhuman treatment and committed iniquity

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (December 16, 1966)
Article 6. Every human being has the inherent right to life. This right shall be protected by law. No one shall be arbitrarily deprived of his life.
Article 7. No one shall be subjected to torture or to cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
Article 20. Any propaganda for war should be prohibited by law.
Article 21. The right of peaceful assembly shall be recognized. No restrictions may be placed on the exercise of this right other than those imposed in conformity with the law and which are necessary in a democratic society in the interests of national security or public safety, public order (ordre public), the protection of public health or morals or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others.
Article 26. All persons are equal before the law and are entitled without any discrimination to the equal protection of the law.

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome, November 4, 1950)
Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Deprivation of life shall not be regarded as inflicted in contravention of this article when it results from the use of force which is no more than absolutely necessary … in action lawfully taken for the purpose of quelling a riot or insurrection.

November 24, 2013. The first clashes between the police and demonstrators occurred in Kiev1. After the opposition rally entitled For a European Ukraine, a portion of the demonstrators (mostly supporters of the nationalist All-Ukrainian Union (AAU) Svoboda) tried to break into the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine building’s territory and block the passage for government vehicles. Aggressive demonstrators attacked the police and broke a barrier. The mob attacked the law enforcement officers with firecrackers. The police retaliated, using tear gas to stop the protestors’ aggression.
November 26–27, 2013. Activists from several right-wing groups, including the Stepan Bandera All-Ukrainian Organization Trizub (Trident) movement, the Socio- National Assembly/Patriot of Ukraine (SNA/PU), the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA) party, the Bilyi Molot (White Hammer) group, as well as football fans, organized the informal Pravyi Sektor (Right Sector) association at Euromaidan. Under this «brand», radical nationalist activists were further mobilized to participate in the Euromaidan rebellion, including participating in violent confrontations with law enforcement officers.
November 30, 2013. Right-wing activists primarily associated with Pravyi Sektor, organized trainings on tactics for violent confrontation with law enforcement officials, including exercising of group actions using available tools as melee weapons. Formation of the so-called Samoobrana maidana (Maidan Self-Defense) groups began.
December 1. During a mass demonstration in Kiev, activists of radical nationalist groups, joined by football hooligans, some radical activists in AUU Svoboda, and protesting youth, carried out a series of illegal actions.
Right-wing radicals were involved in the violent seizure of Kiev city administration buildings and the House of Trade Unions, as well as in clashes with the police. Supporters of Pravyi Sektor entrenched themselves on the fifth floor of the House of Trade Unions. Party activists in AUU Svoboda actually took control of the Kiev City State Administration building. The headquarters for one of the most radical groups of protesters, the neo-Nazi youth group Sich/C14, were located in this building. (The group, headed by Evgeny Karas, leans towards AUU Svoboda). The apogee of violence against the legitimate authorities, occurring on December 1, 2013, was an attempt to break through the Interior Ministry troops and police officer cordon on

1 On November 21, 2013 in Kiev, protests under the «Euromaidan» title began. They were organized by a number of opposition parties that disagreed with the decision of the Government of Ukraine to suspend the signing of the Association Agreement with the European Union.

Bankovaya street in Kiev (the so-called «assault on the Presidential Administration of Ukraine»).
Same evening, activists of right-wing groups, including members of AUU Svoboda, attempted to vandalize the monument to Lenin on Shevchenko Boulevard, provoking a clash with members of the Special Forces.
December 2, 2013. The first attempts were made at the violent seizure of regional state administration (RSA) buildings in Western Ukraine, including Ivano-Frankivsk (the seizure by AUU Svoboda militants failed) and Volyn (seizure by supporters of the AUU Batkivshchyna (Fatherland) movement was repulsed by police).
December 8, 2013. A group of extremists demolished and destroyed the monument to Lenin on Shevchenko Boulevard in Kiev. Responsibility for this act of vandalism was claimed by AUU Svoboda, which is represented in the Parliament.
December 10, 2013. Opponents of the current government put up a fierce resistance to law enforcement officers who were trying to comply with the decision of the Shevchenko district court of Kiev on the Prohibition of blocking government buildings and obstructing the governmental activity. Euromaidan supporters barricaded themselves inside the Kiev city state administration building and deliberately provoked the police to use force by throwing stones from the windows at law enforcement and pouring water over them using fire hoses. Due to the gravity of the situation, the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine was forced to withdraw the Special Forces from the captured building.
December 11, 2013. Euromaidan protestors set up barricades around the perimeter of Maidan and Khreschatyk Boulevard and announced the resumption of picketing the government quarter.
January 19–25, 2014. Pravyi Sektor militants engaged in violent clashes with security forces on Grushevski St. Over 300 people (most of them police officers) were injured.
January 22, 2014. Brody State Administration in Lviv Oblast was violently taken over by AUU Svoboda forces.
January 23, 2014. Lviv, Ternopil and Rivne Regional State Administrations were violently taken over by AUU Svoboda forces.
January 24, 2014. In the Ukraine regions, the formation of the so-called «People’s Self-Defense groups» and the so-called «People’s Councils» began under the supervision of AUU Svoboda. Preparations began for carrying out the rebellion and
seizure of power in Kiev, as well as fundraising and the stockpiling of ammunition for rioters on Maidan.
January 24–26, 2014. Forcible takeovers of the regional administration buildings in Sumy, Zhytomyr, Poltava, Zaporozhye, Dnepropetrovsk, Uzhgorod were attempted.
January 25, 2014. Activists of the radical movement Obschee Delo (Common Cause) attempted to seize Ministry of Energy and Coal Industry of Ukraine premises.
January 25, 2014. Activists of the radical movement Obshee Delo seized the the Ministry of Justice of Ukraine.
January 27, 2014. The opponents of the current government seized the buildings of regional administrations in all areas of Western Ukraine, except for the Transcarpathian region.
February 14, 2014. Party of Regions’ deputy A.Herman’s Lviv house was set on fire.
February 18, 2014. Pravyi Sektor militants forcibly took over the headquarters of the Party of Regions in Kiev. Two men were brutally murdered. One was forcibly locked in the basement, hit by a «Molotov cocktail» and died of suffocation and burns. The other’s head was smashed in and he was thrown down a flight of stairs. Females who were present in the building were stripped half-naked, their backs were painted with symbols and slogans, and then they were kicked out into the street. D. Svyatash, Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian Supreme Council) deputy for the Party of Regions, was severely beaten.
February 18, 2014. Supporters of Euromaidan attempted to capture the Interior Ministry and Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) buildings in Ternopil and Ivano- Frankivsk regions, in order to appropriate weapons.
February 18–19, 2014. A number of buildings in the center of Kiev (among them, the Ukrainian Ministry of Health, Central House of Officers, House of Trade Unions) were burned and destroyed. Extremists seized the building of the conservatory (where the headquarters of the «Euro Revolution» was established), the National Council for Television and Radio Broadcasting of Ukraine, the Central Post Office of the capital, and the hotel «Ukraine».
18–21 February 2014. Large-scale street riots in Kiev resumed, which resulted, according to the Ministry of Health of Ukraine, in the killing of 77 people (including 16 law enforcement officers), with more than a thousand injured.

February 18–19, 2014. A group of radicals seized the building of the Lviv regional state administration overnight. Riots were staged in the Lviv region Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) building, in the Lviv oblast District Attorney’s Office, and at the Lviv region Office of Security Services (USBU) of Ukraine. After the riots at the MIA and USBU buildings, the law enforcement officers who were forced out of the building were stripped of their epaulets, disrobed of their uniforms, all of which was thrown into a bonfire that was started near the building’s entrance.
Buildings of Military Unit № 4114 of Interior Troops of Ukraine in Lviv (barracks, arsenal, and storeroom) were burned down. As a result, the officers and soldiers of the unit completely lost their uniforms, ammunition, weapons, and a place to sleep.
February 19, 2014. In Lviv, rioters captured the Interior Ministry and the four central district police departments, including the armory district departments (up to 1,300 firearms were stolen). A list of Party of Regions members with their mobile phone numbers (approximately 150 people) was posted at the prosecutor’s office building.
February 19, 2014. The so-called «People’s Self-Defense» activists established roadblocks at the state and regional level, as well as at entrances to the major cities of Western Ukraine.
February 19, 2014. The governor of the Volyn Regional State Administration
Bashkalenko was severely beaten and tortured publically in Lutsk. He was handcuffed to the local Euromaidan stage and asked to sign a «voluntary» resignation. After refusing, he was thrown on his knees, which caused him to smash his forehead on the ground. Five liters of water were poured on him, and then he was cuffed to the stage again. When that did not work, the Euromaidan activists took the governor away in an unknown direction and sent a group of thugs to his house to intimidate his family members.
February 19, 2014. Near the town of Korsun-Shevchenkovsky (Cherkassy region), several buses with passengers, who were returning to Crimea from protests against European integration at St. Michael’s Square in Kiev, were fired upon and stopped at the barricades, where the flags of the UPA, the Udar (Strike) party and AUU Svoboda were flying. The people, both men and women, were dragged out of the buses through a «corridor» of militants who beat them with bats and entrenching shovels. Then the passengers were knocked down in a heap on the roadside, doused with gasoline, and threatened to be set on fire. According to witnesses, militants from the crowd shouted: «Just wait, we’re going to come and get you in Crimea. We are going to stab you and shoot you, that is, those of you who we haven’t already beaten

to a pulp and shot up yet». After that, many Crimeans were forced to take off their shoes «for the needs of Maidan soldiers», and they were driven around the buses like cattle and forced to pick up the broken glass. The humiliation and abuse continued for several hours. There were casualties among the victims. Most of the buses were burned. The local police, who arrived at the scene, chose not to intervene.
February 21, 2014. People’s Self-Defense activists fired at a bus with Belarusian tourists who were traveling to Western Ukraine. As a result, the bus driver, a Russian citizen, was hospitalized with a gunshot wound.
February 21, 2014. The President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych and the leaders of the three opposition parties — Vladimir Klitschko (Udar), A. Yatsenyuk (AUU Batkivshchyna), and O. Tyagnibok (AUU Svoboda) — signed an agreement on resolving the crisis in Ukraine, mediated by the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of Germany, Poland, and France, which included a return to the 2004 Constitution, constitutional reform (to be carried out before September 2014), the organization of early presidential elections no later than December 2014, the formation of a national unity government, the end of opposition occupation of administrative and public buildings, the surrender of illegal weapons, and the renunciation of the use of force on both sides.
On the same day, when the parliamentary opposition leaders publically announced on Maidan the conditions of signing the Agreement, a representative of the so-called «Maidan Self-Defense» V. Parasyuk said that he and the rest of the Self- Defense members were not satisfied with a document that agreed on gradual political reforms. He demanded the immediate resignation of President Viktor Yanukovych; otherwise Self-Defense was going to go to storm the Presidential Administration and the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. This proclamation was met with applause. Pravyi Sektor leader D. Yarosh stated that the Agreement showed no clear commitment for the President resignation, the parliament’s dissolution, the punishment of heads of security agencies and other parties who had carried out
«criminal orders». He called the agreement «another attempt to pull the wool over the people’s eyes» and refused to implement it.
February 21–23, 2014. Euromaidan supporters in 18 Ukrainian cities (including Dnepropetrovsk, Poltava, Chernigov, Kherson, Sumy and Zhytomyr) demolished monuments to Lenin.
February 21, 2014. Representatives of Pravyi Sektor broke into the house of
Darchina, Mayor of Tismenitsya (Ivano-Frankivsk region) and searched it. They were looking for some documents and the mayor himself, who managed to escape. The next day B. Darchin sent in his resignation.

February 22, 2014. A monument to a Soviet soldier was removed in a city of Stri in the Lviv oblast.
February 22, 2014. Euromaidan activists succeed in capturing the government district, which was abandoned by police officers, and they issued a number of new demands, in particular, the immediate resignation of President Yanukovych.
February 22, 2014. The Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine V. Rybak (Party of Regions) tendered his resignation due to illness and the need for treatment (according to unofficial data, the reason for his departure became fear for his safety). O. Turchynov (AUU Batkivshchyna) was elected the the new Speaker of the Ukrainian parliament.
The first vice-speaker of the Verkhovna Rada, member of the Communist Party of Ukraine (CPU) I. Kaletnik, also penned his resignation. It is significant to note that the entire subsequent period was marked by massive intimidation of Verkhovna Rada deputies from the ruling Party of Regions and the Communist Party members by the supporters of Euromaidan.
February 22, 2014. A crowd of Euromaidan supporters caught Deputy from the Party of Regions N. Shufrich leaving the Verkhovna Rada building of Ukraine. Only the intervention of the Udar party leader V. Klichko, who appealed not to lynch Shufrich, saved him.
February 22, 2014. Euromaidan supporters detained, illegally sentenced and tortured the first secretary of the city committee of the Communist Party of Lviv
R. Vasilko. According to eyewitnesses, he had needles pushed under fingernails, his right lung pierced, three ribs, nose, and facial bones broken. The rioters also threatened to destroy his family. After the severe torture, R. Vasilko was taken to hospital, where the threats continued. Eventually, Vasilko had to flee Ukraine with the help of his relatives.
The central office the Communist Party newspaper in Kiev was sacked, as well as the Kiev offices of the Municipal Committee of the Communist Party, and the Pechersk and Sviatoshynskyi district committees of the Communist Party in Kiev.
Almost all the regional committees of the Communist Party were seriously damaged, but especially the ones in Zhytomyr, Chernihiv, Sumy, Vinnytsia, Volyn, Rivne oblast, and all district committees. The regional and city offices in Volyn and Lutsk and many other party premises were taken over by illegal armed groups.
The Communist Party, remaining a legal parliamentary party, was actually forced to shut down. Given the threat of deadly violence a large majority of the Communist Party faction in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine moved to the Crimea or Russia.

The remaining few Communist Party MPs in Parliament protested against the lawlessness in the country and did not participate in voting.
February 22, 2014. On a stage installed in Lviv’s central square, near the monument to Taras Shevchenko, local nationalists forced Ukrainian Interior Ministry
«Berkut» Special Forces of Lviv to «get on [their] knees and beg for forgiveness for participating in actions against Euromaidan in Kiev.
Similar incidences occurred in Ternopil, Ivano-Frankivsk and Lutsk.
February 23, 2014. The decision was made in the Verkhovna Rada to appoint Speaker O. Turchynov as interim President of Ukraine for the period up to May 25, 2014. After that, the legitimate President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, who was forced to leave the country because of threats to his life and the lives of his family, said during a press conference in Rostov-on-Don, Russia, on 28 February 2014, that he was still the legitimate head of the Ukrainian state, elected by the free will of its citizens, noting also that none of the conditions stipulated by the Constitution of Ukraine on the early termination of Presidential powers (including resignation, illness, death, or impeachment) were followed properly.
February 23, 2014. People’s deputy O. Lyashko (leader of «the Radical Party of Oleg Lyashko») introduced a draft decree in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, banning the Communist Party of Ukraine and the Party of Regions. Commenting on this, Communist Party leader Petro Symonenko said that such a move would be a violation of the law, as the law clearly states that the Party can only be prohibited by court decision.
February 23, 2014. Members of «Ptavy Sektor» imposed tributes on shops in Kiev, stating that the money collected was «protection fees».
February 23, 2014. In Uzhgorod, Transcarpathian region, local activists of Pravyi Sektor tied the regional administration head of customs S. Harchenko to a pole in front of administration building. The activists threatened him with violence, and he was forced to resign.
February 23, 2014. Volyn region district attorney staff turned to the acting Prosecutor General of Ukraine with a request for protection, given that Pravyi Sekyor militants forced them to resign from their posts, and in the case of disagreement, they were threatened with firearms.
February 24, 2014. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Resolution «On Reaction to the Facts of Breach of Oath of a Judge by Judges of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine.» The Resolution was provided for the early termination of office
and dismissal, due to «breach of oath», of five Constitutional Court of Ukraine judges, including the Chairman of the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. In addition, the Acting Prosecutor General of Ukraine was instructed to open criminal proceedings against all the judges who, in the opinion of People’s Deputies of Ukraine, were guilty of passing the Constitutional Court of Ukraine order on September 30, 2010, No. 20-wd/2010 (Case No. 1-45/2010 on compliance procedures making amendments to the Constitution of Ukraine).
Commenting on the decision of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation emphasized in its statement that «the very question of charging the country’s Supreme Court judges with exercising their judicial power (which is well within the limits of their powers and on the basis of their own internal beliefs) to make decisions that are not patently unjust, allows to doubt the fact of compliance of the basic guarantees of a judge in the country.»
February 24 and 27, 2014. On two occasions, deputies of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine held a political amnesty, freeing 28 people who were jailed on the suspicion of committing a crime or who had already been found guilty of committing one. It is indicative that not all the amnestied individuals, who were presented to the public as «political prisoners», were involved in any political action.
For example, Sergey and Dmitry Pavlychenko were criminated for murdering a judge and subsequently convicted. Another amnestied «political prisoner» was Igor Gannenko, the leader of a neo-Nazi gang, which committed crimes motivated by ethnic, racial, and religious hatred, including anti-Semitism. I. Gannenko and his group of four were convicted in January 2013 for «hooliganism» (in March 2013, the Court of Appeal of the Sumy region confirmed this sentence).
Some amnestied radical nationalists, taking on the romantic aura of «martyrdom», immediately rushed to take an active part in the political life of the country. Vindicated by their imprisonment, they manipulated young adults and teenagers, casting themselves and those of their kind as heroes. This primarily regards the group of leaders of the «Patriot of Ukraine» movement. Between 2006 and 2011 this group, according to human rights NGOs, was the most serious neo-Nazi organization in Ukraine. The movement’s leader, Andrey Biletsky, along with two activists, was accused of attempted murder (the so-called «Defenders of Rymarskaya» case). The ideologist of the organization, Oleg Odnorozhenko, was accused of organizing several beatings of political opponents by the «Patriot of Ukraine» militants, and participating in these beatings.

The most famous of the amnestied «Patriot of Ukraine» activists were the so-called
«Vasilkovsky terrorists», including Igor Moseichuk, Sergei Bevz, and Vladimir Shpara. They were radical nationalists from Vasylkov, the Kiev region and, by a January 2014 ruling of the Kiev region Svyatoshinsky District Court, were convicted of preparing a terrorist act. Just a few days after their release, the amnestied
«Patriot of Ukraine» movement leaders became involved in the political life of Ukraine under the Pravyi Sektor banner.
February 24, 2014. The coordinator of Pravyi Sektor in Western Ukraine
A. Muzychko (also known as Sashko Bily) came to a meeting of the presidium of the regional council of Rivne, and, exposing a machine gun and hunting knife, demanded that the Party of Regions shall «buy housing for relatives of the dead activists of this movement» (i.e. Pravyi Sektor). Otherwise, he promised to confiscate the apartments and houses of former regional leaders of the Party of Regions.
February 24, 2014. The Party of Regions faction leader in the Verkhovna Rada
A. Yefremov gave a briefing about an incident with the daughter of one of his colleagues. During the night, some unknown men busted through her door and trashed her Kiev apartment in order to «see how the children of deputies live». He also noted that 74 deputies resigned from the Party of Regions faction because of intimidation tactics.
February 24, 2014. In response to the rejection of the «new Kiev government» by the inhabitants of the Crimea and the city of Sevastopol, leaders of right-wing groups in Ukraine (AUU Svoboda, Pravyi Sektor, Patriot of Ukraine, Social- National Assembly of Ukraine) issued a statement calling for the «punishment» of Crimeans for their openly expressed civil position. In particular, the activist Igor Moseychuk, who was convicted for terrorism and amnestied by the «new government», publicly proposed to arrange «trains of friendship» consisting of the right-wing nationalist militants to punish the inhabitants of the peninsula for their decision.
February 25, 2014. Pravyi Sektor and Maidan Self-Defense activists broke into the office of the Trading Services firm in Ivano-Frankivsk, and seized the Director
I. Dutka, who led the Ivano-Frankivsk city division of the Party of Regions. He was taken out to the crowd and forced to kneel and ask for forgiveness.
February 26, 2014. The «Kiev regime» authorized the storming of the building of the Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea. The attack was perpetrated by activists from right-wing Ukrainian groups (Pravyi Sektor), insurgents from the Al-Qaeda terrorist network, Hizb ut-Tahrir, and Crimean Tatar-

Wahhabi sympathizers. As a result of the massive attack, civilians who voluntarily defended the administrative building were killed.
February 27, 2014. A video surfaced on the Internet showing the coordinator of the Pravyi Sektor in Western Ukraine, A. Muzychko (Sashko Bily) publicly beat and humiliated employee of Rivne prosecutor’s office A. Targoniya at his workplace.
February 27–28, 2014. Crimean self-defense forces managed to prevent a major terrorist attack on the peninsula. At one of the checkpoints an attempt was thwarted to import the explosive power of 400 pounds of TNT into the territory of the autonomous republic. The attempters were detained by the self-defense forces. However, the regional investigating authorities of Kherson, where the detainees were transferred, still have not given any legal assessment to the facts.
End of February, 2014. The illegal armed groups seized the Dovzhenko Film Studio administrative building. The aggressors demanded access to the shop that housed weapons and pyrotechnics.
Beginning of March, 2014. On social networks, a massive campaign seeking to intimidate Crimeans was employed by Pravyi Sektor militants and other nationalist organizations with the financial support of the «Kiev regime». The Crimean people were ordered, under the threat of physical violence, not to participate in peaceful demonstrations opposing the Maidan movement. Crimean activists, including Tatar religious figures, their relatives, and children received threatening messages on their phones.
March 1, 2014. Using his personal profile on Russian social-networking website
«Vkontakte», the leader of the Praviy Sektor D. Yarosh appealed to the leader of the Chechen terrorists Doku Umarov (in 2010, the U.S. officially included Umarov on its list of international terrorists; in 2011, the UN Security Council included him on its list of terrorists linked to al-Qaeda) for support, entailing the organization of terrorist attacks on the territory of the Russian Federation.
March 1 and 2 2014. Nationalist groups organized pickets outside the Russian Consulate General in Lviv. In the evening, the protesters attempted to block the main vehicle entrance gate using their personal vehicles.
March 3, 2014. Pravyi Sektor gunmen carried out a series of arson attacks on non- residential premises and private vehicles of Crimean residents.
March 3, 2014. It was reported that the Ukranian Parliamaent is ready to introduce a bill that calls for a prison sentence of 3 to 10 years for Ukrainian citizens who apply

for a second citizenship. The document was submitted to the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine in the beginning of February 2014 by deputies from the Batkivshchyna faction, Alexander Brigintsa, Leonid Emtsom and Andrei Pavlovsky. The bill’s authors still do not consider it necessary to withdraw the bill.
March 5, 2014. A recording of the telephone conversation, dated February 26, 2014, between the Estonian Foreign Minister U. Paet and EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy Catherine Ashton, following the visit of the Foreign Minister of Estonia to Ukraine, surfaced on the Internet. During the conversation, Paet referred to information, received from the chief Maidan doctor
O. Bogomolets, about snipers who had shot people during the protests in Kiev. According to Paet, all evidence points to the fact that both protesters and law enforcement officers were killed by the same snipers. He said that the new coalition is unwilling to investigate the exact circumstances of the incident and the people are growing rapidly aware that these snipers were not hired by Yanukovych, but by someone from the new coalition.
Paet also noted that in Ukraine, there is very strong pressure on the members of parliament. He said that journalists saw armed men beat a deputy in broad daylight in front of the Verkhovna Rada.
March 6, 2014. Euromaidan supporters in Sevastopol carried out an assault at a collection point for humanitarian aid.
March 6, 2014. There were reports posted on the Ukrainian forum antifashist. com, that the people’s governor of Donetsk Region Pavel Gubarev, who had been detained the same day by the Security Service of Ukraine, was being tortured. The reports stated that, according to data obtained from physicians working in SBU prison in Kiev, where P. Gubarev is being held, he was severely beaten several times and eventually fell into a coma. Prison physicians didn’t have enough medical opportunities to attend to P. Gubarev in jail, but the medics were prohibited to transfer him to another facility because the Security Service did not want to make the incident public. Shortly after, the portal of Vremya Novosti (News Time) had information that P. Gubarev had not just been beaten but also tortured in order to force him to confess that he was on a mission from Russian special services.
March 8, 2014. Self-Defense Forces in Simferopol, Crimea, detained two national- radicals, natives of Rivne, who had been previously convicted. They admitted that, among other extremists, they were sent to the Crimea by Pravyi Sektor with the objective to penetrate in small groups (2-3 people) into the autonomous region, in order to destabilize the peninsula (committing robberies, organizing fights, and other offenses).

Ukrainian activists of right-wing organizations located in the Crimea shouted extremist slogans during the celebration of the 200th anniversary of Taras Shevchenko in Simferopol. They also tried, in front of the cameras of purposely invited Western journalists, to stage a dramatized brawl in order to show Crimeans victimizing them (near the venue of the rally, a young man was seated in the provocateurs’ car, with his head pre-painted with red paint imitating blood).
March 8, 2014. In Kharkov, about 10 radical nationalists attacked the activists, who were returning from the rally against the current Kiev authorities. As a result, several activists were injured, and one of them was subsequently hospitalized.
March 9, 2014 Pravyi Sektor militants gunned down E. Slonevsky, a local businessman, at a cafe in the center of Kharkov. One more visitor was killed and a waiter wounded.
March 9, 2014. Cases of destruction of Crimea peninsula residents’ passports by provocateurs were documented. The said provocateurs visited houses under the guise of Crimean law enforcement officials and representatives of electoral commissions, asking the citizens to show their passports, and once having received them, tore them, making them invalid.
March 10, 2014. While trying to break through the Crimean Self-Defense forces checkpoint, a Pravyi Sektor activist resorted to using weapons; however, he was neutralized and sent to the hospital.
A resident of Ivano-Frankivsk who arrived in Sevastopol brought down fire on Ephraim St. After his arrest, he said that in Kiev, he acquired the weapons and was assigned a task to stage a provocation. He had three other accomplices. They rented an apartment in the Gagarin district of Sevastopol. During the search of the apartment, extremist leaflets were found.
March 11, 2014. Thirty masked men with wooden sticks entered the premises of the Sviatoshynskyi district prosecutor’s office in Kiev. They threatened to inflict physical harm on the senior prosecutor and his family members, and demanded that he write a letter of resignation. The prosecutor refused, and he and his colleague were severely beaten.
March 11, 2014. In Rivne, the coordinator of Pravyi Sektor in Western Ukraine
A. Muzychko (Sashko Bily) announced in an interview with a journalist from the Vesti newspaper his intention to gather 10–12 million U.S. dollars, to start a prize for «anyone who would knock off Putin».

March 13, 2014. In Donetsk, peaceful demonstrators who took to the streets to express their opposition to the «new Ukrainian authorities» and support the idea of the country’s federalization were attacked by non-lethal weapons and bats, wielded by right-wing militant groups who began to arrive to the city the night before from other regions of Ukraine. The clashes left one person dead and a large number of people wounded.
March 13, 2014. About 20 armed men in masks and camouflage uniforms broke into the office of UkrBusinessBank in the center of Kiev, disarmed the guards, and tried to enter the cash vault. After negotiations, the bank robbers surrendered. At the police station they called themselves «soldiers of Narnia», claiming to be part of the Maidan Self-Defense group. According to media reports, a few hours later they were released.
March 13, 2014. A detachment of the radical nationalists in camouflage uniforms and flak jackets with metal sticks and bats in hand, stormed the prosecutors’ office in the Sviatoshynskyi district of Kiev. All prosecutors were forced out of the office rooms into the corridor, and then seven insurgents attacked one of the prosecutors, Valentine Bryantsev, beating him with bats. They also used a stun gun on him. The attackers demanded to close a pending Sviatoshynskyi District Court criminal case against one of their accomplices.
March 14, 2014. In the center of Kiev, a group of young men in masks with Pravyi Sektor armbands and machine guns attacked three local residents. About ten of these individuals shot off automatic rifle fire into the air, and they hit one of the tenants on the head with a metal bar.
Twelve people in camouflage entered the administrative building of the National Aviation University, introducing themselves as representatives of Pravyi Sektor. They demanded that the rector of the university, Professor N. Kulik, write a letter of resignation. The scientist was saved from punishment only by the police who rushed to the scene.
The «Heroes of Maidan» also demanded the resignation of the Director of the Institute of Ukrainian Studies, Professor A. Chaykovsky, and a group of employees of the Institute of National Remembrance (the latter ones were forced to write the history of «revolution» and glorify the «heroes of Maidan»).
The Director of the Department of Migration Services of Ukraine N. Naumenko, who refused to give Pravyi Sektor militants files with refugee cases, was beaten and stabbed in the face.
March 14, 2014. First Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Fighting Organized Crime and Corruption G. Moskal reported that the Mark Plaza
jewelry store in Nikolaev was robbed by men with bats and a gun; in the village of Stoyantsy in the Kiev region, a militant group disarmed the local police service of their weapons and robbed a private house of 230 thousand dollars; in Odessa, armed men in camouflage uniforms stole an ATM in front of the police; in Uzhgorod, militants came to a former regional official, tortured his wife and son and took their money and valuables; in Vinnytsia region, individuals broke into the house of the head of Regional Development Strategy Foundation, tortured and killed him for a loot of $800.
According to media reports, numerous armed groups generated by the Ukrainian Euromaidan movement were financially poor after the «hot phase» of the coup and resorted to robbery and racketeering as a source of revenue. The new «leadership» of the MIA of Ukraine turns a blind eye on this fact.
Praviy Sektor interrupted work of the Sberbank-Ukraine branch office in Vinnitsa. About ten militants barricaded the door of the bank, stacked tires in front of it, and allowed neither customers nor employees to enter. In the same way, they promised
«to starve out» the other offices of Russian banks in the area. The only way to resolve the threat, according to media reports, was by paying them off; in many places in Western and Central Ukraine, stickers were seen reading «Protected by Pravyi Sektor». According to unconfirmed reports, one such sticker costs from 10 to 25 thousand dollars.
A group of unidentified men demanded owners of a restaurant in the Podgortsi, Kiev region, to transfer their business to the property of the people. The men called themselves members of the Maidan Self-Defense movement and threatened to destroy the property using «Molotov cocktails», demanding throughout the day that the owners transfer business ownership over to the people.
At the Kiev Borispol airport, over 30 Sevastopol sailors returning from long voyage became victims of looting and robbery committed by unknown persons who introduced themselves as Euromaidan militants. Turning to the police resulted in no action, and the airport management chose not to advertise this fact.
On the night of March 14, 2014 the building of Bessarabian market in Kiev was set ablaze. Experts detected that the «arson was committed using an incendiary mixture.» Eyewitnesses claim that immediately after the fire started, a few dozen Maidan Self-Defense militants in camouflage uniforms with batons exited the building. No one dared to stop the arsonists.
March 15, 2014. Pravyi Sektor militants staged a massacre in Kharkov, during which two people were killed and four wounded. Journalists contend that the militants were led by Andrew Beletskyi, one of Pravyi Sektor’s leaders. No
information about his arrest was reported. The voiced assumption was that he, along with other rebel leaders, was released by the police.
March 15, 2014. Representatives of law enforcement agencies arrived at an apartment in the Dnieper district of Kiev to detent the landlord for illegal possession of drugs. However, almost immediately another group of people, calling themselves members of the Maidan Self-Defense, arrived on the scene. They tied and immobilized police officers and the prosecutor, took their identification cards from them, and told the officers that their IDs would be passed on to the Assistant Minister of the Interior.
Former Ukrainian President Leonid Kravchuk called on the «powers in Kiev» to give their attention to the fact that looting has already begun in Ukraine, with Kravchuk’s own house being looted, too. «Since some marauder broke into my house, I sleep with a gun. While the authorities promise to restore order, I am forced to shoot to protect myself,» said the first president of Ukraine.
March 16, 2014. Russia announced an international search for the leader of the ultranationalist Pravyi Sektor organization D. Yarosh, who threatened to cut off the supply of Russian gas to the EU through Ukraine’s territory. «Russia is making money driving oil and gas to the West through our tube, so we will destroy the tube, depriving the enemy of a source of revenue,» the post on the official page of Pravyi Sektor on the VKontakte social network read. D. Yarosh also urged the Ukrainian government to order the formation of guerrilla and sabotage groups, which must take action in case armed forces of the Russian Federation enter Ukraine’s territory.
March 16, 2014. In Chernigov, 50 Kamaz trucks, which belonged to representation office of their manufacturer, were stopped by unidentified armed men at customs on the border with Belarus already when they were to leave the territory of Ukraine and were forced to return to Chernigov. The police, who arrived first on the scene after being summoned by the plant’s representatives, did not do anything. According to witnesses, the armed men, who turned the trucks back, stated: «Russians have taken Crimea from us, so we’ll take everything they own in Ukraine.»
March 17, 2014. First Deputy Chairman of the Verkhovna Rada Committee on Fighting Organized Crime and Corruption G. Moskal said that twenty unidentified Euromaidan activists armed with Kalashnikov machine guns and pistols seized the residential house belonging to Ukrkomplekt Plus company, in Kobtsy village in the Vasilkovskaja district of Kiev region. The house was under protection of the State Security Service (SBU) of the Vasilkovskaja police department. The SBU staff,
and following them, the task force of Vasilkovskaja police department, arrived on call. But instead of protecting the property, the SBU and police forces went on to consume spirits stolen from the house, together with the criminals. In the morning, without taking any measures, the law enforcement officers left. The written appeal from the owners of the home to the Vasilkovskaja police department brought no response.
March 17, 2014. In Dnepropetrovsk, about 30 representatives of the Pravyi Sektor national-extremist organization in camouflage uniforms, armed with sticks and stun guns, approached some young people standing at a bus stop and twice shouted
«Glory to Ukraine.» As the young people remained silent in response, the extremists have beaten them severely.
March 18, 2014. Members of Pravyi Sektor refused to surrender their weapons and join the National Guard of Ukraine. According to the organization’s leader
D. Yarosh, there are about 10 thousand Pravyi Sektor members in Ukraine. The exact number of weapons they possess is unknown.
March 18, 2014. In Simferopol, shots from a sniper killed a Crimean self-defender and a Ukrainian soldier. Two more people, a Crimean self-defender and a Ukrainian soldier, were wounded.
March 18, 2014. The Ministry of Defense of Ukraine passed the order to the Armed Forces of Ukraine stationed in the Crimea, allowing the use of weapons.
March 19, 2014. In Vinnitsa region, about 300 armed men, led by Pravyi Sektor activists, captured the Nemiroff Company distillery.
March 20, 2014 Deputy Head of the Committee of National Defense of Sevastopol S. Tutuev said that recently, 30 alleged ultra-right activists who planned provocation during Crimea people referendum were arrested in Sevastopol and deported to mainland Ukraine. «The discovery of several local neo-Nazis groups prevented the provocations. The night after the referendum, a signal from the Euromaidan leaders calling for the retreat from the peninsula was intercepted,» said S. Tutuev.
March 20, 2014. A video surfaced on the Internet in which the so-called Euromaidan activists were shown extorting money and gas from the head of Lukoil- Ukraine office in Rivne for the «needs of the revolution.»
March 20, 2014. In Kiev, a crowd of masked men, armed with firearms and machetes, stormed the building of the State Architectural and Construction

Inspection of Ukraine. Posing as «anti-corruption committee staff», they tried to seize folders with archive documents.
March 20, 2014. A video surfaced on the Internet showing members of the Pravyi Sektor organization capturing the prosecutor’s office in Odessa, demanding that the law enforcement officers «decided whether they are with Ukraine or with the occupiers.»
March 21, 2014. A house belonging to the leader of the movement Ukrainskyi Vybor (Ukrainian Choice) V. Medvedchuk was burned down.
March 21, 2014. During a stop at a station in Vinnitsa, men in Ukrainian Insurgent Army uniforms came aboard the passenger train cars of the No. 65 Moscow- Chisinau train and started «document inspection». At the same time, citizens who submitted Russian passports were forced to hand over their money and jewelry. Attempts by the victims to submit a report to the local police were in vain. The police refused to accept the reports.
March 22, 2014. Radical nationalists from the Pravyi Sektor extremist movement created a party under the same name on the basis of the Ukrainian National Assembly (UNA) political party. The members of the party included other nationalist groups who support the Pravyi Sektor movement. Its elected leader D. Yarosh was nominated as a candidate for the presidential elections in Ukraine.
March 23, 2014. The property and funds of 23 children’s health camps were handed over to Pravyi Sektor leader D. Yarosh for National Guard of Ukraine youth reserve training. The Pravyi Sektor youth wing consists of juvenile football ultras and supporters of Ukrainian nationalism. They were the backbone of the Euromaidan radical activists. According to Yarosh’s plans, militants from the nationalist youth wing, often referred to as «Yarosh Youth» («Yarosh Jugend»), will teach the basics of military affairs, subversive struggle, unarmed combat, and mine blasting in the children’s health camps. Daily youth recruitment is being carried out by the territorial command recruitment services of the National Guard.
March 23, 2014. In Kiev, the members of the so-called «11th self-defense sotnya» group made an attempt to seize a building that houses the Russian Center of Science and Culture (RCSC) and the representative office of Rossotrudnichestvo. A group of 12 men, armed with metal rods (the leader had a pistol), demanded that the residents of the building immediately vacate it, as it was allegedly being confiscated «in revenge for Crimea», and henceforth it would accommodate the
«Self-Defense Headquarters of the Pechersk District». All attempts of the head of the representative office and his deputy, who arrived at the place of the conflict, to

make the «self-defense forces» to listen to reason (the building does not belong to Russia, it is just leased from the Ukrainian authorities) failed. Moreover, the attackers took keys from the guards and hijacked from the courtyard of the RCSC a car which belonged to Rossotrudnichestvo.
March 24, 2014. In Zaporizhia several dozen militants of the so-called «Maidan Self- Defense Forces», armed with sticks, stones and iron bars, attacked participants of the «Friendship Rally from Melitopol to Zaporizhia». Many people were injured, and cars were damaged.
March 25, 2014. Media reported on the plans of the Security Service of Ukraine to attract the private military company Greystone Limited (an analog, and possibly an affiliate of the American private army Blackwater, whose members are involved in systematic violations of human rights in various hot spots in the world) to work on the suppression of dissent in the Russian-speaking eastern regions of the country. According to the media, the initiative comes from the «oligarchs» Igor Kolomoyskyi and Sergiy Taruta, who were appointed as governors of Dnepropetrovsk and Donetsk Oblasts by the «Kiev authorities». It is significant that the practice of attracting foreign private military companies violates the Ukrainian law that prohibits foreign citizens to take part in the work of Ukrainian private security companies.
March 26, 2014. People’s Deputy of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine, representative of the Communist Party Spiridon Kilinkarov demanded that the Minister of Internal Affairs of Ukraine Arsen Avakov order military formations to vacate the office of the Communist Party. These detachments were impeding the pre-election work of party members in the current presidential campaign. Earlier, the Communist Party faction stated that they would not participate in voting for any draft legislation until their office in Kiev was returned to the party.
March 26, 2014. Khreschatyk Street, Kiev. Activists of the social movement
«Avtodozor» and the sotnya of the «Maidan Self-Defense» forces picketed the offices of banks with Russian stock (VTB, Alpha, Sberbank, Prominvest), demanding the closing and nationalization of all their branch offices in Ukraine. The building of Sberbank was seized and plundered.
March 27, 2014. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted, in the first reading, the draft law «On restoring confidence in the judicial system of Ukraine», proposed by the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda, which implies the introduction of lustration of the judiciary in the country. Another draft law, which deals with the lustration of persons holding public positions, was proposed to the Parliament by Svoboda on March 26, 2014. Lustration requirements were announced in February during the Maidan
protests. These were later repeated in the Verkhovna Rada by Vitali Klitschko, the leader of the Udar Party, who called for the opening of criminal proceedings against members of the previous government. According to media reports, the lustration list will contain names of 145 people, including the President Viktor Yanukovych and his family.
March 31, 2014. The Department of Health in Kiev reported that the number of victims of the riots in the capital of Ukraine accounted for 1,608 people, 129 of them still in hospitals, 103 were killed.

in the internal affairs of a sovereign state

United Nations Charter
Article 2, p. 7. Nothing contained in the present Charter shall authorize the United Nations to intervene in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of any state or shall require the Members to submit such matters to settlement under the present Charter; but this principle shall not prejudice the application of enforcement measures under Chapter VII.

Declaration on Principles
of International Law, concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States
(October 24, 1970)

«No State shall organize, assist, foment, finance, incite or tolerate subversive, terrorist or armed activities directed towards the violent overthrow of the regime of another State, or interfere in civil strife in another State».

November 26, 2013. The speaker of the Lithuanian Seimas Loreta Grauzhinene, accompanied by two vice-chairmen of the Seimas, without any invitation of the authorities of Ukraine, arrived in Kiev and spoke at protest rallies on the European Square and Independence Square, during which she urged the protestors not to drop their demands to sign the association agreement with the EU.
December 1, 2013. Transmitting the message of the president of the European Parliament Martin Schulz (Germany), the deputy of the Polish Sejm Jarosław Kaczyński announced from the stage of the Maidan that the European Union does not doubt the imminent accession of Ukraine to the EU.
December 4, 2013. The German Foreign Minister Guido Westerwelle visited the camp of the protesters on the Maidan and met the opposition leaders Vitali Klitschko (Udar Party) and Arseniy Yatsenyuk (Batkivshchyna — the All-Ukrainian Union «Fatherland» Party).
December 7, 2013. The Member of the European Parliament Jacek Saryusz-Wolski (Poland) announced from the rostrum of the Maidan that Russia was allegedly interfering with the «European choice» of the Ukrainian people. Also, the MEP urged the Ukrainian government to stop the «provocations» and release the arrested protesters from prisons, as well as to stop using force against the demonstrators.
The Chairman of the European Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs Elmar Brok (Germany), attending the Maidan protests, asked the sovereign authorities of Ukraine to change their decision and release Yulia Tymoshenko from jail.
December 6, 7, 11, 2013, February 6–8, March 3–5, 2014. The Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs at the United States Department of State Victoria Nuland visited the Maidan. Whenever she came, she edified opposition leaders, exercising public gestures like the distribution of cookies among the activists, which was intended to show that Washington was supporting the lawlessness that reigned in Ukraine. According to numerous testimonies, V. Nuland participated in the selection of the current «government» of Ukraine; this is proven by a recording of her telephone conversation, held in early February 2014 with the U.S. ambassador in Kiev Geoffrey Payette that appeared on the Internet.
According to some media and independent analysts, Euromaidan was directed by the U.S. State Department through government-controlled NGOs and private foundations. The site of Ron Paul Institute for Peace and Prosperity (USA) published a study of the American political scientist Steve Wiseman, who provides specific
information in this regard. According to him, the planning of events in Ukraine started in advance. A group of several dozen Ukrainian opposition organizations was created, which received funds from the Soros Foundation and the Pact Inc organization, working for the U.S. Agency for International Development. Steve Wiseman cites a number of examples of how protests against the government of Viktor Yanukovych were held, using American technologies and new developments in propaganda and mass communications. The publication claims that the main coordinators in the U.S. State Department for the organization of the coup in Kiev were the Assistant Secretary of State for European and Eurasian Affairs Victoria Nuland and the U.S. ambassador in Kiev Jeffrey Payette.
The study of Steve Wiseman contains information referring to specific financial indicators. Thus, it is reported that in August 2013, Jeffrey Payette gave grants worth about 50,000 USD to support the newly created opposition Ukrainian Internet TV channel Hromadske.TV. Its team, including the chief editor Roman Skrypin, was recruited from among the media, previously operating on the funds supplied by the USA (Radio Svoboda etc.). Under the patronage of Jeffrey Payette, this channel was to receive about 30,000 USD from the Soros Foundation and about 95,000 USD from the Netherlands Embassy in Kiev.
The newly created channel, according to the American political scientist, began to broadcast one day after the President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych suspended the signing of the Association Agreement with the EU on November 21, 2013 until analysis of its economic consegnences is finalized.
December 10, 2014. The head of the Group of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe of the European Parliament Guy Verhofstadt (Belgium) said during a press conference in Strasbourg that members of his political group intend to be constantly present on Independence Square in Kiev to support the «pro- European  demonstration».
December 15, 2014. Two U.S. senators, Democrat Chris Murphy and Republican John McCain, made speeches at the «Euromaidan» in Kiev. Both American politicians stated that the U.S. supported the desire of the participants of Euromaidan to join Europe.
January 25, 2014. A delegation of the Lithuanian Seimas, headed by the Vice- Speaker Petras Austrevicius, spoke from the rostrum of the Euromaidan in Kiev.
January 26, 2014. Member of the European Parliament Jacek Saryusz-Wolski (Poland) said in an interview with Ukrainian Week: «The President has lost
legitimacy.» Earlier, in his speech at the Maidan on February 22, 2014, he also condemned the «illegitimate» use of force by the government of Ukraine.
January 29, 2014. At a meeting with the head of the opposition party Udar
V. Klitschko, held at the Opera Hotel, the Chairman of the European Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs Elmar Brok (Germany) openly sided with the opposition, calling on President Viktor Yanukovych to fulfill the demands of the opposition.
January 30, 2014. Present at the Euromaidan, the President of the European Economic and Social Committee Henri Malosse openly called on Ukraine to focus on the EU: «Long live the European Ukraine». At the end of his speech, Malosse repeated the greeting of the odious Ukrainian SS-Volunteer Division «Galichina»:
«Glory to Ukraine!» The crowd came up with the traditional answer to the greeting:
«Glory to the heroes!»
February 1, 2014. The President of the European Economic and Social Committee Henri Malosse returned to the Euromaidan to openly show his support for the opposition: «We will always be with you!»
February 21, 2014. The European Union actually gave up its obligations as a guarantor of the execution of the agreement between the President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych and the Ukrainian opposition leaders, signed on February 21, 2014, under the mediation of foreign ministers of Germany, France and Poland. Thus, the EU supported and accepted the illegitimate rise of the opposition to power in Kiev, and directly contributed to the attack against the constitutional order in Ukraine.
February 22, 2014. Shortly after the coup in Kiev, the U.S. announced the removal of the legitimately elected President of Ukraine as a «fait accompli» and recognized the «legitimacy» of the self-proclaimed authorities, headed by Oleksandr Turchinov and Arseniy Yatsenyuk. On March 4, 2014, the Secretary of State John Kerry arrived in Kiev to pay his respects and show his support.
March 21, 2014. The political agreement on the EU-Ukraine Association was signed as part of the European Council meeting. On behalf of Ukraine, the document was signed by Arseniy Yatsenyuk, appointed as the Prime Minister by the Ukrainian Verkhovna Rada. Thus, the EU recognized de jure the current illegitimate government of Ukraine and officially confirmed their willingness to work with it, bypassing the legally elected Viktor Yanukovych, who under the Constitution of Ukraine is still the official head of the state.

March 30, 2014. Residents of Kiev reported that the office building in the city center, which houses one of the headquarters of the «Pravyi Sektor», was regularly approached by cars with diplomatic plates and people unloaded massive bags and shrouded objects.

Weapons, equipment, and tactics of the Euromaidan participants.
Evidence of deliberately committed violence and provocations
by the so-called
«Peaceful  demonstrators»

Convention for the Protection
of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome, November 4, 1950)
Article 2. Everyone’s right to life shall be protected by law. No one shall be deprived of his life intentionally save in the execution of a sentence of a court following his conviction of a crime for which this penalty is provided by law.
Deprivation of life shall not be regarded as inflicted in contravention of this article when it results from the use of force, which is no more than absolutely necessary.
Article 3. No one shall be subjected to torture or to inhuman or degrading treatment or punishment.
The evidence, obtained within the framework of the project on «Public investigations of the violations of human rights in Ukraine», implemented by the NGO «Fund to research problems of democracy»1, makes it possible to clearly identify, among the participants of the Euromaidan, the presence of large and permanent groups of militants, numbering up to several thousand people, who organized the attacks, shootings, beatings and killings of law enforcement officers, dissidents (protesters whose political positions did not coincide with that of the Maidan), seizures of public buildings, etc.
This group was characterized by a high level of provisions with firearms and cold arms, various special gear (grenades, gas, etc.) and radio communication equipment, personal protective equipment (military and official body armor and helmets, shields, knee and elbow pads, masks, respirators, gas masks, etc.), mastery of specific tactical methods of group actions, shift work in the organization of fresh reserves, organization of small-scale production of improvised explosive devices and training of other activists, etc.
Witnesses also reported the high skills of the protesters, who knew how to use irritant poisonous substances, including gases of unknown origin2, as well as smoke from burning tires, and smoke bombs.3 The respirators and equipment of law enforcement officers did not prove to be of much help against these.
According to witnesses, this group was the only one constantly present and most actively operating at the Euromaidan. Witnesses also noted the high level of psychosocial and organizational support this group received from the other participants of Euromaidan: justification of their violent and illegal acts, involvement in the manufacturing of «Molotov cocktails» and improvised explosive devices, dismantling of bridges and pavements to obtain stones, delivery of stones to be used against the police, participation in provocative actions, setting fire to the tires,

1 Since November 21, 2013, the project is conducting surveys of witnesses and monitoring human rights violations in Ukraine. As of March 20, more than 120 witnesses have been interviewed, includ- ing 50 members and supporters of the «Euromaidan», 30 police of fi cers and other law-enforcement agencies of Ukraine, as well as politicians and people’s deputies, journalists, experts and NGO rep- resentatives. The survey of the Euromaidan supporters was conducted primarily at the Maidan and in the seized buildings, in the period from November 21, 2013 to February 22, 2014.
2 A number of law enforcement of fi cers were poisoned by gases of unknown origin and required hospi- tal treatment.
3 Participants of Euromaidan could very effectively determine the wind direction, and thus they placed sources of gas and smoke in the most advantageous positions, in order to cause the maxi- mum damage.

hiding the militants in the total mass of protesters to help them escape from law enforcement agencies, participation in the construction of barricades, etc.
All interviewed witnesses point out the good equipment and training of the militants. It is noted that at the beginning of these events, homemade protective equipment was used — sports and construction equipment, bicycle helmets, arm and shin guards. Witnesses noted the characteristics of the militants’ homemade weapons — sticks, cudgels, axes that were upgraded to increase their striking effect by means of welding iron spikes onto them, using pieces of circular saws, domestic axes with larger helves, etc. Widely used were traumatic weapons, air rifles with optical sights, converted pistols, etc. «Molotov cocktails» were produced at a sufficiently high level. Special chemical components were added, which by their properties were almost like napalm.
After the start of the active phase of operations, the militants obtained regular army or special equipment and personal protective equipment (flak jackets, helmets, hard hats).
Members of the Berkut Special Police Force emphasized the militants’ high quality of equipment: «When we caught one of them, we found out that he was equipped much better than we were — a 16-kg army shield, arm protectors, iron plates from the clavicle to the wrist. His legs were covered, and he was wearing an American thick helmet. We had no such equipment. That type of helmet can protect one from a bullet.»
A conscript of the Internal Troops of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, having received a gunshot wound to his legs, said: «Of course, they were prepared. They had better equipment than we do. They wore flak jackets. Their helmets were like those of the Special Forces. These are very expensive.»
Another Berkut officer testified: «The desyatniks and sotniks (leaders of groups of militants consisting of 10 and 100 people respectively) are well trained and well- armed. Each of them had a headset, and they directed their troops against us. When they shot at us, our shields were penetrated as if they were shooting with lead bullets on bovine game. A hole, size of a five-kopeck coin was torn from my comrade’s shield. At the forefront, there were the militants, wearing NATO military uniforms, kneepads, elbow pads, and helmets. Their units worked on the front lines (those who threw the «Molotov cocktails»). It turned out that about one hundred militants worked actively for a couple of hours, and then another unit came. The first unit fell back to rest. They came at us several times in waves, with good equipment and a certain psychological attitude, very aggressive.»
Timur, an officer in the Berkut Special Police Force, who received arm injuries, said: «I heard that the NATO ammunition was used there. One of our guys has left
recently; he has a 5.56 mm cartridge in his lung — a NATO cartridge. They were shooting in a very interesting fashion. You must understand — in order that the reporters never saw how they were shooting; they were running and shooting from the hip. That means, they had covered their weapons with jackets when they were shooting from the hip. So there were many casualties, and this all happened during the day, at noon. There were many leg injuries.»
Ivan, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, draws attention to the use of the unmanned aerial vehicles that were used to assist the rebels, «Twice I saw these drones. The Maidan was under full surveillance. I do not know how ordinary citizens got professional UAVs.»
Alexander, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, having received injuries, underlines the quality of the equipment, in particular of the Pravyi Sektor members:
«Their equipment was professional. Everything was brought in: flak jackets, armored shields, protective equipment for the arms and legs. They had everything. There were such groups, as I understand, the Pravyi Sektor, which were equipped and armed. They had army equipment, flak jackets, some were wearing Special Forces clothing, like the Americans have. We have no such flak jackets. These are of the fourth and fifth classes of protection.»
Viktor, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, says: «It was perfectly staged. There was neither chaos nor voluntary movements. This was seen on Bankovskaya Street on December 1, 2013. The activists, who instigated the work from the first row, threw stones and chains on the soldiers. There were also many peaceful protesters who did not participate in the provocations. Almost all the activists — and this was perfectly developed — right at the moment when the Berkut came forward, immediately dissolved into the crowd.»
Andrey, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, having received gunshot wound, emphasizes the militants’ coordination of actions: «As I understand it, there were commanders. We observed some people who were walking and showing them some signals; they were coordinating things. There were many such cases. Visible were people wearing red bright clothing, ski-type costumes. I noticed that they stood at every 200–300 meters. It was evident that they were trying to form a «monolith»1, but they could not arrange the groups in 2 or 3 rows. We, on the other hand, can stand on a passive pushback. Generally, their actions were similar to the French school of dispersing rallies. These were similar tactics.»

1 A soldiers’ formation (internal forces and special police units of Ukraine).

Timur, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, having suffered an injury to his hand1, notes the coherence of the militants in their actions: «They operated smoothly. They had some kind of officers, and group leaders. This was quite noticeable. Ordinary people — they run helter-skelter. They do not think. And here, there were some groups who formed «monoliths» with shields and moved within the group, as a team. In case they saw any real danger, they retreated. These were prepared people — not the ones trained in just a month or two. As I learned, they had been preparing for almost two years before this event, in different places. It is very obvious that those people were certainly trained beforehand. There is nothing to add here.»
Ivan, an officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, says: «They were prepared right from the start, but they did not have skills of actual battle (in confrontations with us). However, as the events progressed, more trained people joined. The new proficiency became obvious. Originally, the militants numbered about one hundred, and then they broke up into smaller groups (some 15 people in each group) and began to provoke us. They first provoked us verbally, and then they mocked our uniforms. But later, they became smarter. They let the women and youth go first, using them as human shields.»
«There were 10–15 people of this kind, some pregnant women walked there too. The provocation consisted in militants breaking our helmet spheres with steel wire of 10–12 millimeters thick, cut into 15–20 centimeter pieces. And, then, they immediately threw some mixture and it was impossible to see anything for 10–15 minutes. After that, the militants departed immediately and women with children approached instead and began to tell tales: «We are peaceful, how can you act in this way, we are simply standing here.»
Another officer of the Berkut Special Police Force, having received a head injury, points out these tactics: «I saw at first approaching people, who were talking and singing. Then, they were suddenly replaced by masked men who started using, for example, gas from special large cylinders, which we did not have at that time in our division. Then some groups appeared, who were trying to break our line, they hit police officers with sticks. As soon as we began to move forward, immediately they began to sing the Ukrainian anthem and other various songs.»

1 A finger was broken and a tendon was ruptured, January 19, 2014, Grushevsky Street.

Violations of the right for freedom
of thought and belief, including political beliefs, and violations of the right
to express them. Restrictions on freedom of the media and intimidation of dissidents.

Universal Declaration of Human Rights (December 10, 1948)
Article 19. Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers;

Convention for the Protection of Human Rights
and Fundamental Freedoms (Rome, November 4, 1950)

Article 10. Everyone has the right to freedom of expression. This right shall include freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas without interference by public authority and regardless of frontiers.

International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (December 16, 1966)

Article 19. Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice;

Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities (December 21, 1995)
Article 9. The Parties undertake to recognize that the right to freedom of expression of every person belonging to a national minority includes freedom to hold opinions and to receive and impart information and ideas in the minority language, without interference by public authorities and regardless of frontiers. The Parties shall ensure, within the framework of their legal systems, that persons belonging to a national minority are not discriminated against in their access to the media.

November 27, 2013. In Kiev, the ultra-radical Pravyi Sektor activists prevented leftist activists to enter the «Euromaidan» with their slogans, snatching posters from their hands and forcing them to leave the meeting.
November 28, 2013. About thirty Pravyi Sektor activists, using tear gas canisters, attacked a women’s rights campaign, being held in Kiev, under the slogans «Ukrainian women — European salaries», «Europe — this means paid maternity leave», etc. As a consequence, there were three people injured (two young men and one girl).
December 4, 2013. In Kiev, a few dozen right-wing radicals, supporters of the All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda, attacked the Levin brothers (known for their leftist views), activists of the Confederation of Free Trade Unions of Ukraine (KVPU), that were handing out campaign materials on Khreshchatyk Street. The attackers called the unionists «hairy mongrels». Anatoly Levin’s ribs were broken, Alexander Levin got a broken nose and a dissected cheekbone, Denis Levin suffered from the use of tear gas. In addition, KVPU’s property was destroyed; the attackers slashed the tent, broke the sound-amplifying equipment and stole the generator.
December 22, 2013. Activists of All-Ukrainian Union Svoboda, with the use of physical force, expelled journalist Viktor Gatsenko from the captured building of Kiev Administration, obscenely insulting and threatening him with death because of his political views. There were identified, among those who had expelled the journalist, such people as the deputy head of the Kiev branch of AUU Svoboda, Ruslan Andreiko, and one of the leaders of the party’s student organization, Artem Ruban.
February 18, 2014. In Kiev, Vyacheslav Veremiy, a Vesti newspaper journalist, was killed. Masked men with bats and guns attacked Vyacheslav Veremiy and his colleague, an IT engineer Alexey Lymarenko, as they were returning home by taxi. The two men and taxi driver were severely beaten. A. Lymarenko had his face disfigured and V. Veremiy was wounded to the chest, an injury from which he soon died.
The Union of Journalists announced that such media worker rights violations during the «revolutionary events» were unprecedented. One journalist (V. Veremiy) was killed and 167 were injured, dozens suffered from all sorts of attacks. The presence of a press certificate or the inscription «press» on the clothing did not save reporters from attacks and destruction of their professional equipment.
February 20, 2014. P. Prudyakov PhD, Professor of Slavic Studies Department at the Taras Shevchenko National University, gave an interview to one of the Russian TV channels. Later, he was invited to write a letter of resignation from the university at University Rector’s initiative. P. Prudyakov refused. He was then forced to do it,
presented with threats of dismissal under the «gross violation of labor discipline» article. Philology students were urged to write accusatory letters (students flatly refused to do so). P. Prudyakov was forced to resign from the university at an extraordinary meeting of the department, although this scientist is one of the world’s leading experts in his field.
February 27, 2014. Director of the Ukrainian News Agency GolosUA, Oksana Vaschenko asked the existing power structures of Ukraine to prevent the possible seizure of the agency office and to protect journalists from attacks by extremist organizations. However, in early March 2014, the Ukrainian News Agency GolosUA office was captured by Pravyi Sektor militants. Most of the staff was forced to go on leave with no pay, the remaining staff members moved to another place, keeping the location of these premises secret. The news agency leadership was accused by the ultra-nationalists of «misrepresentation of the people’s revolution», having had regular threats directed at them.
February 28, 2014. The Ukrainian televison anchorperson V. Syumar was appointed deputy secretary of the National Security and Defense Council of Ukraine. She immediately initiated her activities in her new position by putting crass pressure on Ukraine’s state television channels. In essence, she imposed censorship. In particular, the managment of UTR (the second state channel, which handles foreign broadcasting) was informed of the necessity of switching to a
«counterpropaganda» mode in the form of an ultimatum. V. Sumar emphasized that the «television station does not carry out sufficient counterpropaganda against Russia.» As a result, UTR was reoriented towards English language broadcasts involving anti-Russian speakers. Similar processes are characteristic to the editorship of Ukraine’s national radio.
March 5, 2014. In the center of Kiev on Maidan, radicals seized reporter S. Rulev of the Navigator Information Agency, who had come to the square to shoot footage of an anti-war demonstration, and dragged him into a tent set up opposite the Trade Unions House. The journalist was severely beaten and his documents, telephone, and camera were taken. The reason for the assault was that S. Rulev had prepared reportage on Berkut employees.
March 6, 2014. In Donetsk, civic activist Pavel Gubarev, who was elected people’s governor of the Donetsk region at a popular assembly on 1 March 2014 and stood for not recognizing the new authorities in Kiev that had come to power as a result of the coup d’état and for the holding of a referendum on the future of Donbas, was arrested by the Security Service of Ukraine and taken to Kiev.

March 8, 2014. Dnepropetrovsk police detained 7 Russian journalists, motivated by the idea that Russians are supposedly only interested in «non-contextualized provocative images.»
March 10, 2014. O. Lyashko, people’s deputy in the Verkhovna Rada and leader of the Ukrainian Radical Party, along with a group of accomplices, beat up Arsen Klinchaev, member of the Lugansk regional council and leader of the social organization «Young Guard.» He had been campaigning for the federalization of Ukraine and recognition of Russian as an official state language. The beating occurred in the office of V. Guslavsky, the chief of the General Directorate of the Internal Affairs of Ukraine in the Lugansk Region, and with his full connivance. Threatened with reprisals, Klinchaev was forbidden to participate in pro-Russian demonstrations or to express his opinions and position. The same day, Klinchaev was arrested by Ukrainian Security Service forces and sent to Kiev.
March 11, 2014. The National Television and Radio Broadcasting Council of Ukraine was taken over by the «new authorities» and providers were required to cease retransmission of the Russian television channels Vesti, Russia 24, Channel One, RTR Planet, and NTV World by seven p.m.
March 11, 2014. A court in Kiev placed the former head of the Kharkov Regional State Administration, M. Dobkin, under house arrest. In late February 2014
M. Dobkin resigned in order to take part in the May 25th presidential elections. As the region’s governor, he had harshly criticized Euromaidan supporters.
March 11, 2014. According to reports sent from Russian-speaking inhabitants of Ukraine, Russian television channels were disabled «in all the cities of the country.» Similar complaints were received from the city of Gorlovka in the Donetsk region, where the local provider Interset had cut off the NTV and RTR channels, and from Kharkov, where the Channel One, Russia, and NTV channels were disabled. However, as noted by researchers and sociologists, up to 90 percent of airtime consists of broadcasts viewed in Russian.
March 13, 2014. A Kiev court placed the Mayor of Kharkov, G. Kernes, under house arrest. He had repeatedly expressed his disagreement with the political events taking place in Ukraine, including those connected to the forceful seizure of power by Euromaidan supporters.
March 13, 2014. The popular governor of the Lugansk region, Alexander Kharitonov, was arrested by the Ukrainian Security Service and taken to Kiev. A. Kharitonov’s wife posted an open letter regarding the violation of her and husband’s rights on the website of the head of the Progressive Socialist Party of Ukraine. It states:

«I am certain that the complaints made against my husband by the Security Service of Ukraine and the accusations levied against him of committing serious crimes (undermining the national security of Ukraine and forceful seizure of state power) do not correspond with reality and have been brought forward with the purpose of punishing my husband for his political convictions. The threats made at Maidan and propagated on the Ukrainian mass media — «Muscovites to the knife!» and «The Glory is ours — death to the enemy!» — were taken by my husband and others as a threat to the life and safety of our family. That is why, and the only reason why, he, like other inhabitants of Lugansk, came out on a peaceful protest. I wanted to meet my husband, to see him, to give him the moral support of our children and myself. However, I have been denied access to him.»
March 14, 2014. Ukraine’s largest social-political weekly, «2000,» ceased to exist in paper format as a result of the harsh political pressure and censorship policies of the «new authorities.» The editorship does not rule out the total cessation of its work in relation to threat of seizure of its Kiev office. For many years, the paper has published materials critical of the politicians who currently find themselves in power today. Immediately after the change of government took place in the country, the Ukraine Press, the largest printing office in Kiev, announced that it would review its contract with the editorship of «2000» unilaterally. The rates were artificially inflated to several times higher than market rates and those that had been negotiated in the previous contract.
March 15, 2014. The fighters from the so-called Maidan Self-Defense Force blockaded the building of the Ukrainian television channel «Inter» and demanded its management be replaced because of the channel’s information policy. Threats continued to be made against the television channel’s management, its journalists, and its anchorpersons (via the mass media, calls and social websites) even after changes were made to its editorial policy. Pressure on Inter’s leadership increased especially after the arrest of its primary shareholder, D. Firtash.
March 17, 2014. A. Davidchenko, one of the leaders of the protest movement in Odessa and the leader of People’s Alternative, was detained by unknown persons. Unidentified people in black uniforms lacking any insignia grabbed the social activist, threw him into an automobile with transit numbers and drove off with him towards an unknown location. A. Davidchenko’s comrades think that SBU employees carried out the operation and that the leader of People’s Alternative was taken to Kiev.
March 18, 2014. A group of Verkhovna Rada deputies from the Svoboda Party led by I. Miroshnychenko and the famous actor B. Beniuk (people’s artist of Ukraine)
came to the office of the First National Channel of Ukraine (NTU) and forced its acting president, O. Panteleymonov, to resign.
O. Panteleymonov, later commenting on the incident on air, stated that the deputies had a «long and officious conversation» with him. Footage posted on the Internet bear witness to the fact that the MPs beat O. Panteleymonov on the face and head. They blamed him because the television channel that he heads aired the appeal of the President of Russia to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation on Crimea — and that was «not patriotic.» They called O. Panteleymonov a «moskal’»1 and constantly reminded him that NTU was «disseminating lies» about the events on Maidan.
March 18, 2014. The employees of the regional television channel in Chernigov were subjected to pressure. Several dozens of local Pravyi Sektor activists armed with grenades and bladed weapons demanded that the general director write a resignation letter after they stormed into the television company building and blockaded much of the premises. The reason was singular — he was considered
«an accomplice of the old regime.»
March 19, 2014. Alexey Khudyakov, a journalist from the online publication, was abducted. He had been in Donetsk since February 28th carrying out the work assigned to him by the editors. While on his trip, he prepared and published five articles and news items for them that were critical of the radical pro- Nazi groups and «the new government» in Kiev.
A tinted van pulled up next to A. Khudyakov and without any explanation people in masks jumped out and then shoved him into the automobile. He was then handcuffed and a black sack was placed on his head. Next, he was searched and taken to the woods. One of the kidnappers was an SBU employee, but he refused to produce any identification. After this they began trying to intimidate
A. Khudyakov, including with direct threats to his life and the life of his relatives (he was forced to list their names and surnames and indicate their phone numbers). The kidnappers impressed upon him that he «was misjudging the situation.» Threatening him, they forced him to read an unknown text in Ukrainian into a video camera, as well as sign documents stating he was prepared to work for the Security Service of Ukraine. The malefactors threatened violence to him and his relatives should the fact of his abduction be made known. Thereafter, his Ukrainian SIM cards and telephone memory cards were confiscated, and the

1 Moskal’ — derived from Moscow, it is a humiliating and insulting labeling of Muscovites in particular and all Russians in general, widely used in Ukraine.

photo and video materials and telephone book in his phone were destroyed. The journalist was driven to a border post on the border with Russia and handed over to the border guards to be deported.
March 19, 2014. In Vinnitsa a group of ultra-rightists from the so-called People’s Tribunal crassly demanded that T. Antonets, the chief physician of the regional children’s clinical hospital, voluntarily resign from her post since she had not publically repudiated the Party of Regions, nor had she condemned «the crimes of the former government.» The radicals told her that if she did not obey them, they would deal with her according to the «laws of a severe revolutionary period.»
March 19, 2014. S. Taruta, who had been appointed governor of the Donetsk region by the de facto government in Kiev, announced that additional troops should be sent to Donetsk from the Dnepropetrovsk and Kirovograd regions in order to
«pacify supporters of the independence of Donbas.»
March 20, 2014. Russian journalists — A. Buzoladze, S. Yeliseyeva, S. Zavidova, and M. Isakova — from the Russia-1 TV channel were detained in Donetsk. The Russians’ documents were seized and they were taken to the checkpoint
«Vasilievka,» where they were held for several hours without explanation and then expelled from Ukrainian territory.
March 20, 2014. In Odessa, representatives of the so-called Maidan Self-Defense Force demanded that the director general of the regional television channel,
M. Aksenova, write a resignation letter, threatening physical violence.
March 20, 2014. The Security Service of Ukraine in the Lugansk Region implemented a series of measures directed towards the liquidation of the social organization Lugansk Guard, which advocates the federalization of Ukraine and recognition of Russian as a state language. Three activists were arrested and searches of the offices of the organization and of the apartments of Lugansk Guard members were conducted. One of the leaders of the youth wing, A. Pyaterikova, posted a public appeal on social networks in which she claimed that the SBU, along with the Verkhovna Rada deputy and leader of the ultra-right Radical Party,
O. Lyashko, had organized a hunt for members of the Lugansk Guard and was persecuting activists and members of their families.
March 20, 2014. Euromaidan activists besieged the Office of the Public Prosecutor in Odessa and proceeded to carry on a conversation in raised voices with the regional prosecutor. At times, threats were directed at him. The main demand of the activists was to «deal toughly» and «take measures» in relation to the camp and
leaders of the social movement Kulikovo Pole (Kulikovo field), which advocates the recognition of Russian as a state language, as well as constitutional reforms and the federalization of Ukraine.
March 22, 2014. The Security Service of Ukraine detained one of the leaders of the protest movement, the leader of the so-called People’s Militia of Donbas,
M. Chumachenko, under suspicion of violating the territorial integrity of Ukraine.
March 23, 2014. The Directorate of the Security Service of Ukraine in the Transcarpathian region opened criminal proceedings for «infringement upon the territorial integrity and inviolability of Ukraine» and disseminating «separatist appeals» on the Internet. A report by an SBU employee about the publication by unknown persons of messages containing appeals in the name of the Ruthenians (Rusyns) of the Transcarpathians to the President of the Russian Federation,
V.V. Putin, to recognize and create a republic called «Transcarpathian Ruthenia» served as the basis for this.
March 26, 2014. The Kiev district court made the decision to suspend broadcasting of five Russian television channels in Ukraine: Vesti, Russia 24, Channel One, RTR Planet, and NTV World. This was done at the request of the National Defense and Security Council of Ukraine (with the goal of «ensuring the information security of the country»).
March 26, 2014. In Dnepropetrovsk, Kharkov, and Donetsk, supporters of the Pravyi Sektor beat up citizens who were wearing the Georgievskaya Lenta (St. George’s Ribbon) on their chests (a symbolic token commemorating the Victory Day and the Great Patriotic War).
March 26, 2014. In Kirovograd region, A. Tkalenko, the chief physician at the Ulyanovsk Central Regional Hospital, was attacked by representatives of the local People’s Rada (People’s Council) and members of the Svoboda (Freedom) Party. They attempted to beat him up right in his own office. The doctor’s only «sin» was his political convictions (he stood in the ranks of the Party of Regions and had been appointed by the previous administration).
March 30, 2014. Euromaidan fighters attacked the Lugansk Guard activists’ tent in Lugansk city. The opponents of the «new Kiev government» were beaten with bats and their tents were slashed and torn down. Some of the victims from among the tent camp activists were hospitalized with sDiscrimination
along ethnic and linguistic lines, xenophobia, and racial extremism.
Incitement of racial hatred

International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (December 16, 1966)
Article 20. Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.

Framework  Convention
for the Protection of National Minorities (February 1, 1995)
Article 4. The Parties undertake to guarantee to persons belonging to national minorities the right of equality before the law and of equal protection of the law. In this respect, any discrimination based on belonging to a national minority shall be prohibited.
Article 6. The Parties shall encourage a spirit of tolerance and intercultural dialogue and take effective measures to promote mutual respect and understanding and co-operation among all persons living on their territory, irrespective of those persons’ ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity, in particular in the fields of education, culture and the media.
Article 10. The Parties undertake to recognize that every person belonging to a national minority has the right to use freely and without interference his or her minority language, in private and in public, orally and in writing. Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial discrimination by any persons or organizations.

International  Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (December 21, 1965)

Article 4. States Parties condemn all propaganda and all organizations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one color or ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such discrimination and
а) shall declare an offense punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another color or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof;
b) shall declare illegal and prohibit organizations, and also organized and all other propaganda activities, which promote and incite racial discrimination, and shall recognize participation in such organizations or activities as an offense punishable by law;
с) shall not permit public authorities or public institutions, national or local, to promote or incite racial discrimination.
ignificant head and limb injuries. It is indicative that police patrols located near the scene of the incident preferred not to

along ethnic and linguistic lines, xenophobia, and racial extremism.
Incitement of racial hatred

International Covenant on Civil
and Political Rights (December 16, 1966)
Article 20. Any advocacy of national, racial or religious hatred that constitutes incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence shall be prohibited by law.

Framework  Convention
for the Protection of National Minorities (February 1, 1995)
Article 4. The Parties undertake to guarantee to persons belonging to national minorities the right of equality before the law and of equal protection of the law. In this respect, any discrimination based on belonging to a national minority shall be prohibited.
Article 6. The Parties shall encourage a spirit of tolerance and intercultural dialogue and take effective measures to promote mutual respect and understanding and co-operation among all persons living on their territory, irrespective of those persons’ ethnic, cultural, linguistic or religious identity, in particular in the fields of education, culture and the media.
Article 10. The Parties undertake to recognize that every person belonging to a national minority has the right to use freely and without interference his or her minority language, in private and in public, orally and in writing. Each State Party undertakes not to sponsor, defend or support racial discrimination by any persons or organizations.

International  Convention
on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (December 21, 1965)

Article 4. States Parties condemn all propaganda and all organizations which are based on ideas or theories of superiority of one race or group of persons of one color or ethnic origin, or which attempt to justify or promote racial hatred and discrimination in any form, and undertake to adopt immediate and positive measures designed to eradicate all incitement to, or acts of, such discrimination and
а) shall declare an offense punishable by law all dissemination of ideas based on racial superiority or hatred, incitement to racial discrimination, as well as all acts of violence or incitement to such acts against any race or group of persons of another color or ethnic origin, and also the provision of any assistance to racist activities, including the financing thereof;
b) shall declare illegal and prohibit organizations, and also organized and all other propaganda activities, which promote and incite racial discrimination, and shall recognize participation in such organizations or activities as an offense punishable by law;
с) shall not permit public authorities or public institutions, national or local, to promote or incite racial discrimination.

November 23, 2013. The poet Diana Kamlyuk performed on the Euromaidan stage. Kamlyuk is notorious for being convicted in 2008 for participating in the 2006 murder of a person of Nigerian origin; this murder was an act of racial intolerance. She read poems from the collection The Voice of Blood, which includes racist and anti-Semitic content. The amateur poet concluded her presentation with the exclamation: «May you push towards the goal and not be tricked by the yids’ pleas! The Ukrainian blood of the white man flows through our veins!»
December 7, 2013. Leaflets signed by the All-Union Ukrainian Svoboda (Freedom) party appeared in the Kiev subway calling for reprisals against Jews and their expulsion from «our country’s streets.»
December 22, 2013. The monument to Holocaust victims in Nikolaev was defiled. An inverted Satanic cross was painted on the memorial plaque in indelible black spray.
In the early hours of January 1, 2014. A Nativity play was performed on the Euromaidan stage; during it, a People’s Deputy from the Svoboda party, Bohdan Beniuk, performed the role of a «yid.» His monologue updated traditional anti- Semitic stereotypes in the context of modern Ukrainian realities: «Yesterday I made some deals, today I became a deputy,» «I lend out a bit of money and collect interest from it,» «East and west—everything is mine, our people are everywhere,» and so on.
January 1, 2014. In downtown Kiev, a demonstration commemorated the 105th anniversary of the birth of Stepan Bandera, an ideologue and founder of Ukrainian ultranationalism, and a collaborator with the German Nazis. The torchlight procession, which was led by the Svoboda party, attracted around 10,000 participants.
January 11, 2014. In Kiev extremists attacked H. Wertheimer, a 26-year-old Israeli citizen who is a teacher in the Rosenberg synagogue in Kiev.
January 17, 2014. After leaving a synagogue, Dov Ber Glickman, a 33-year-old Russian citizen and congregant studying at the yeshiva (a religious educational institution), was beaten up. His attackers hit him with their hands and feet, and it appeared that the attackers had blades installed in the toes of their shoes, which left deep wounds.
January 20, 2014. Vandals defaced the Pietà memorial in Pushkarevsky Park in Poltava (the site of the shooting of 15,000 Jews during the war). Anti-Semites drew neo-Nazi symbols and graffiti on the monument: they wrote «Death to kikes» and crossed out the inscription «Remembering you in our hearts.»
February 2, 2014. In the city of Oleksandriia in Kirovograd province, unidentified culprits defaced a monument to Jewish victims of the Holocaust (on the site of the

shooting of 2,572 Jews). The vandals used black paint to draw a swastika and write
«Death to kikes» and «Zieg heil.»
February 22, 2014, V. Yavorivsky, a member of the Batkivshchyna faction, introduced in Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada draft legislation proposing that standards of accountability for expressing personal opinions on Fascist crimes be abolished.
February 23, 2014. Ukraine’s Verkhovna Rada declared the repeal of the Law on the Principles of the State Language Policy of July 3, 2012, which granted the status of regional language to Russian and other languages of national minorities. «Acting Ukrainian president» Oleksandr Turchynov said that he would not sign this decision by the Rada, but the parliament approved the draft legislation while it still remains unsigned.
February 24, 2014. In the city of Brody in Lviv province, the monument to the Russian military leader M. I. Kutuzov was torn down.
February 24, 2014. In Zaporozhye, four extremists attempted to burn down a synagogue.
March 5, 2014. Oleksandr Muzychko (Sashko Bily), the coordinator of the Pravyi Sektor in Western Ukraine, recorded and broadcast on the Internet a video address in which he called on people to «cleanse Ukraine and Crimea» of its Russian- speaking inhabitants.
March 8, 2014. B. Filatov, deputy governor of Dnepropetrovsk province, appointed by the «new authorities» of Ukraine, wrote on his Facebook page how people who engage in actions that displease the «new Kiev government» should be treated:
«The scum must be given promises and guarantees, and any concessions must be made. Then we’ll hang them later.»
March 8, 2014. In the city of Chigiri in Cherkassy region, unidentified culprits used Molotov cocktails to burn a Jewish commemorative plaque erected in 2012 next to a cemetery in which the graves of Hasidic elders were found.
In the early hours of March 11, 2014, extremists burned a Hungarian monument that was erected in the Verecke Pass in honor of the 1,100-year anniversary of the Hungarians’ crossing of the Carpathian Mountains. This incident triggered a series of anti-Hungarian actions against a backdrop of events directly or indirectly affecting the interests of the Hungarian minority in Transcarpathia. Representatives of the Svoboda party demanded that the country’s prosecutor general ban the Democratic Party of Ukrainian Hungarians headed by the only deputy, the Transcarpathian

Hungarian I. Gaidosh. In 2011, the Svoboda party claimed responsibility for a similar action defiling a Hungarian memorial in the Verecke Pass.
March 11, 2014. An ad hoc task force in Kiev began working on writing the draft legislation On the Development and Use of Languages in Ukraine. Ruslan Koshulinsky (Svoboda party), deputy speaker of the Verkhovna Rada, was named the committee chairman. Members include Vladimir Yavorivsky (Batkivshchyna party), Maria Matios (Udar party) and Irina Farion (Svoboda party). Deputies from the Party of Regions are systematically excluded from this committee.
I. Farion introduced draft legislation calling for a criminal penalty (7 years) for speaking Russian in government offices and public places in Ukraine.
March 13, 2014. Rabbi H. Cohen was attacked by neo-Nazis in Kiev. He was beaten and stabbed twice.
March 14, 2014. In the Ukrainian capital, a group of neo-Nazis followed a Hasidic husband and wife (citizens of Israel and the United States) who were on their way to synagogue. At the last minute, the couple managed to jump into a taxi, which the assailants hurled stones at.
March 15, 2014. Ukrainian border guards on Transnistrian territory on the Moldova-Ukraine border forbade passage to men from Russia.
March 16, 2014. In Dnepropetrovsk, around 30 Ukrainian radical nationalists brutally beat a group of local teenagers because they did not answer the nationalists’ greeting «Glory to Ukraine!» Reports of such Banderist patrols in Dnepropetrovsk have become commonplace. The city has been flooded with armed youths, who patrol the streets and address passers-by with the Banderist salute «Glory to Ukraine!» Those who answer incorrectly or keep silent are beaten. The crimes frequently occur in front of the police, but the «law enforcement» officials try not to get involved.
March 17, 2014. During an official briefing, Y. Perebiynis, head of the Information Policy Department of Ukraine’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, said that Russians are not an indigenous people of Ukraine and therefore do not have the right to self- determination on Ukrainian territory. He also said that in Ukraine there are only four indigenous peoples: Ukrainians, Crimean Tatars, Crimean Karaites and Krymchaks.
March 17, 2014. Dmitry N. from Kharkiv witnessed a beating by nationalist radicals of a young woman on the street for speaking Russian on her mobile phone.
March 20, 2014. Ethnic Czechs living in Volyn and Zhytomyr provinces (according to unofficial data, between 10,000 and 20,000 Czechs live in Ukraine) appealed to
the Czech authorities with a request for repatriation. In this connection, E. Snidevich, chair of the Society of Volyn Czechs, said, «We fear for our lives. There are bandits who call themselves ‘self-defense units.’ Nothing good will come of this.»
March 20, 2014. A group of Ukrainian nationalist radicals attacked Hungarian schoolchildren who were visiting Transcarpathia from Miskolc, Hungary.
March 20, 2014. Armed extremists stormed a meeting of the Hungarian community council in the city of Beregovo in Transcarpathian province and beat its participants.
Beginning on March 20, 2014, Russians living in Ukraine started to complain en masse to the Consulate General of Russia in Kharkiv about pressure from the Ukrainian authorities, who are harshly demanding that they formalize their renunciation of Russian citizenship or leave Ukraine.
March 20, 2014. I. Balut, who was designated governor of Kharkiv Province, said that in the previous two weeks, Ukrainian border guards on the Russia-Ukraine border in Kharkiv had prevented 120–130 Russian citizens daily from entering Ukrainian territory.
March 23, 2014. Dmitry E. said that in his workplace (Kharkiv-Sortirovochny locomotive depot 10), during a routine staff meeting the management banned any criticism of the «new government.» Workers who defy this will be dismissed.
March 24, 2014. A recording appeared on the Internet of a telephone conversation between former Ukrainian prime minister and current presidential candidate
Y. Tymoshenko and N. Shufrich, the former deputy secretary of the National Security Council of Ukraine. In it, Tymoshenko makes a series of Russophobic comments and statements.
March 24, 2014. H. Koschyk, German commissioner for matters related to ethnic German re-settlers and national minorities, said that people in Germany are concerned about the situation of ethnic Germans and other national minorities in Ukraine. He said that the central government in Kiev needs to clearly demonstrate its readiness to protect their rights.
March 28, 2014. Representatives of community organizations of ethnic Hungarians in Transcarpathia presented a petition to representatives of the «new government.» In the document they express serious concern about the fact that there are armed radical elements springing up in Ukraine, and this «is provoking fear and diminishing people’s sense of safety.» «More and more often, these people are deliberately inflaming interethnic conflicts, due in part to the distortion of historical facts in the history of Transcarpathia, and this is actively promulgated by some news media outlets.»
Religious intolerance, including threats to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the Moscow Patriarchate

On the night of February 22–23, 2014. Representatives of the Kiev Patriarchate, which is unrecognized in the Orthodox world, threatened the forcible seizure of the Kiev Pechersk Lavra. On the evening of the 22nd, on Maidan, its representatives propagated false information about the «threat» of the removal of the church valuables of Kiev Pechersk Lavra from Ukraine. Starting from the stage at Maidan and moving on to social networking sites, provocative appeals began to be circulated: Guys, everybody to Lavra now! The monks are taking the icons out of Lavra to Russia! Never let them do that; never allow such a thing! We must intervene! As a result, a group of representatives from the so-called Maidan Self- Defense Force went to Lavra.
Approximately 300 armed people went up to the Lavra walls and seized control of all the ancient monastery’s entrances and exits, deciding at their own discretion who should be permitted in or out.
The militants armed with batons detained a vehicle belonging to the Russian Embassy in Ukraine as it was leaving the Kiev Pechersk Lavra and demanded they be allowed to «inspect» it. Two deputies from the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine participated in the search. When the Russian diplomat pointed out to them that their actions were in flagrant violation of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations of April 17th 1961, a PM from the Udar Party literally stated the following: «We have already broken so much over the past three months that this is just nonsense.»
The inhabitants of Lavra were threatened and called upon to voluntarily abandon the monastery. The radicals informed them that if they refuse, then «as soon as the corresponding order arrives from above,» i.e. from ‘Patriarch’ Filaret of the unrecognized Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the Kievan Patriarchate (UOC KP), they will be able to use force.»
The representatives of the Kiev Patriarchate who had arrived with them declared that the Verkhovna Rada would pass a decision on the following day concerning
«the transfer of the Lavra to the Kiev Patriarchate» and thus it was «imperative that the monastery be released in order to avoid bloodshed.»
In the end the situation was stabilized, but the anxious mood did not abate for a long time.
February 24, 2014. Representatives of the Maidan Self-Defense Force took Pochaev Lavra under their control in order to, according to the official announcement of the Ternopil authorities, «prevent the removal of relics and valuables.» In fact, this was an illegal blockade of the entrances to a monastic cloister.
February 24, 2014. In Novoarkhangelsky in the Kirovograd district, St. Vladimir Church, which was formerly being used by the Ukrainian Orthodox Church of the

Religious intolerance, including threats to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church
of the Moscow Patriarchate 61

Moscow Patriarchate (UPC), was transferred into the ownership of representatives of the Kiev Patriarchate.
The transfer was carried out on the basis of a court decision made under pressure of demonstrations primarily from the nationalist party Svoboda.
In 2006, the church abbot had given the building to representatives of the Kiev Patriarchate secretly, without the knowledge of church management of his own church community. After lengthy proceedings in April of 2013, the court decided in favor of the UPC of the Moscow Patriarchate. However the schismatics appealed the legal decision just before «Svoboda» members provoked clashes with UPC priests and parishioners. As a result, the church was shut down for renovation by the authorities, but after the Euromaidan victory in February 2014, the schismatics won their appeal.
February 25, 2014. Information surfaced about preparations being made for an attempt to capture the Pochaev Lavra spiritual center. In order to prevent this provocative act, numerous Orthodox believers started gathering at Lavra, blocked the main entrance to the monastery, and created a solid living wall in front of the Holy Gates of the cloister. These conditions made it impossible for the group of nationalist radicals and schismatics arriving at Lavra in six buses to carry out their original plan.
February 25, 2014. A group of aggressively disposed people accompanied by journalists from the 1+1 television channel entered the administrative building of the Sumy Eparchy. The leaders of the group were N. F. Karpenko (Kiev Patriarchate deacon), Professor I. P. Mozgovoy, and a UPC KP «priest» in civilian clothes. N. F. Karpenko categorically demanded that Archbishop Eulogius, archbishop of Sumy and Akhtyrka, conduct joint services with the schismatic Archbishop Methodius in the Holy Transfiguration Cathedral in Sumy. He then blamed the priesthood of the canonical Church of unwillingness to pray for those killed at Maidan.
In response to all of his arguments with respect to the canonical obstacles in questions of concelebration, the Archbishop Eulogius was informed that if he refused, «all Maidan will be here to throw Molotov cocktails at the eparchy.»
A few days prior to this incident, a crowd of Kiev Patriarchate parishioners blocked the Archbishop Eulogius into the cathedral yelling, «get out of Moscow’s ass!» and
«Eulogius to the gallows!»
March 2, 2014. Parishioners found pamphlets of a provocative nature on the

They were titled: Get out, moskal! They contained crude insults directed at the UOC priests in addition to their photographs.
On the night of March 7–8, 2014, an act of vandalism was committed against the Church of St. John the Theologian belonging to the Zhitomir Eparchy in the village of Solnechniy in Zhitomir district. The following was painted on the walls of the church: «Moscow Sell-outs» and «Moskal Butt Lickers.»
March 25, 2014. In Severodonetsk in the Lugansk region, archpriest of the UPC of the Moscow Patriarchate and doctor of theology, Father Oleg Trofimov, was subjected to persecution and threats on the part of the authorities and activists of the local Euromaidan because of the active position he had taken in civil society and his antifascist convictions. He was transferred to serve in a distant rural parish forty kilometers from home. The investigations being imposed on the archpriest in relation to questions surrounding the appropriateness of his official behaviour are based on groundless accusations of the misuse of funds donated by parishioners, etc. Pravyi Sektor has placed Father Oleg on their black list. The mass media, which is controlled by extremists, has been harassing the priest. His home address and telephone number are constantly being published on the Internet accompanied by calls to violence.
In late March a prominent activist from one of the unrecognized Orthodox confessions in Ukraine, the so-called Ukrainian Autocephalous Orthodox Church (Cherkassy Eparchy), the abbot Alexander Shirokov, received a threatening letter in the name of the National Socialist Workers Party of Ukraine. In particular, it was stated in it that if A. Shirokov did not cease his «pro-Moscow and anti-constitutional enemy agitation» on internet social networking sites, the same party would change its «heretofore still tolerant and polite» relationship to him. «We will have to start using more radical methods of a physical or annihilating nature against you or your relatives, including those located in Russia,» the letter said.


The facts set forth above clearly demonstrate that under the influence of extremists from ultranationalistic and neo-Nazi forces, and with the active multidimensional support of the USA and the European Union and its members, the protests in Ukraine which bore an initially peaceful character rapidly escalated into a coercive rebellion and, in the end, the forceful seizure of power and an unconstitutional coup d’etat. These dramatic events were accompanied by widespread and gross violations of human rights and freedoms on the part of the self-proclaimed government and its supporters. As a result, manifestations of extremist, ultranationalist, and neo-Nazistic sentiments, religious intolerance, xenophobia, blatant blackmail, threats, pressure placed by the Maidan leaders on their opponents, «purges» and arrests amongst them, repression, physical violence, and sometimes plain criminal lawlessness have become commonplace in Ukraine.
In all of Ukraine’s regions, but especially in the southeastern part of the country, Ukrainian radical nationalists, instructed by the de facto authorities in Kiev and their external patrons, are ramping up the pressure on Russian-speaking citizens who do not want to lose the centuries-old ties that bind them to Russia and Russian culture. Moreover, affairs are being conducted Maidan-style — through the use of threats, intimidation, physical violence, and heinous attempts to obliterate Russian culture and identity among the inhabitants of these regions of Ukraine.
Unfortunately, all of the gross human rights violations and violations of the principle of the rule of law that have been committed and are still being committed remain unpunished. Moreover, the bandits from Euromaidan who, weapons in hand, committed atrocities against the legal authorities and citizens have been amnestied by Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and declared national heroes. We are convinced that if the lawlessness in Ukraine continues, the situation may erupt into a serious threat to regional peace and security and lead to further escalation of international and interethnic contradicions and conflicts in Ukraine and Europe in general.
We hope that this fact will finally be recognized in the relevant international organizations, which in accordance with their mandates must contribute to the conducting of objective and non-politicized investigations into the numerous violations of human rights and the principle of the rule of law in Ukraine. The perpertrators must be duly punished. Otherwise, extremists of all stripes and colors will receive a dangerous signal of encouragement.

criminal case of illegal methods of waging war on Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics

The Investigative Committee of the Russian Federation has created a special management to investigate international crimes against civilians committed in the territory of Ukraine. Created management will apply until such time as all the Ukrainian military and perpetrators of crimes against civilians will not be prosecuted. This work will involve all spetsupravleniya investigative units SK Russia, on whose territory the refugees arrive from Ukraine.


I recall that the Investigation Committee has investigated a number of criminal cases involving crimes against Ukrainian and Russian citizens on the territory of Ukraine. In particular, the investigation of criminal cases against members of the “UNA-UNSO” – Mazur Bobrowicz, Yarosh, Korchinskiy brothers Tyagniboka, Hominy, and others, in fact injured Russian journalist videoagentstva «Russia today» in Ukraine and others.

In a criminal case of illegal methods of waging war on the territory of Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics (Article 356 of the Criminal Code) already held a number of investigative actions aimed at establishing specific servicemen and members of military units of the National Guard of Ukraine and the “right sector”, pilots, gunners , snipers, who gave and executed orders of airstrikes, artillery shelling and


destruction of civilians and settlements in the south-east of Ukraine. In addition, Russia’s Investigative Committee intends to obtain from independent sources data from satellites of various countries in which fixed nature of the destruction, the number and locations of Ukrainian military formations. This will allow investigators to make an objective picture of what is happening in the south-east of Ukraine. To join the cause of a large number of photos and video to prove mass crimes against civilians. Already questioned a number of Russian citizens, including journalists, freed from captivity, as well as Ukrainian refugees who sought asylum in Russia, because they have to leave their homes because of persecution by the fascist Ukrainian military. According to the Migration Service of Russia, every day the flow of refugees from Ukraine increased. Currently in Russia made an application for recognition as refugees and asylum applications from nearly four thousand people, including more than 500 children. All of them will be questioned as part of the criminal case, if there are reasons they will also be recognized as victims. All the victims will be given a full and qualified legal assistance and the right to lodge appeals explained to the European Court of Human Rights and the International Criminal Court.

With regard to persons involved in crimes against the civilian population, the UK Russia intends to prosecute any and all officers, military, directly participating in punitive operations, as well as those who give orders and funding the killing of civilians. In this regard, Russia’s Investigative Committee intends to give a legal assessment of the actions Arsen Avakov, Igor Kolomoisky and others.

Investigative Committee encourages everyone, including the conscious citizens of Ukraine, to assist in the establishment of specific artists kills civilians south-eastern regions of Ukraine – Military: pilots, snipers, artillery commanders calculations and other persons directly engaged and commit these crimes.

And let no one doubt these “heroes of Ukraine” that their “feats” sooner or later will get a decent estimate, which does not give them today’s owners, smack criminal orders, and domestic and international courts.


В Следственном комитете Российской Федерации создано специализированное управление по расследованию преступлений международного характера против мирных граждан, совершенных на территории Украины. Созданное управление будет действовать до тех пор, пока все украинские военные и лица, совершающие преступления против мирных граждан, не будут привлечены к уголовной ответственности. К работе спецуправления будут привлекаться все следственные подразделения СК России, на территории которых прибывают беженцы из Украины.

Напомню, что в Следственном комитете уже расследуется ряд уголовных дел по фактам преступлений в отношении украинских и российских граждан на территории Украины. В частности, расследуются уголовные дела в отношении членов «УНА-УНСО» – Мазура, Бобровича, Яроша, Корчинского, братьев Тягнибоков, Мамалыги и других, по факту ранения российского журналиста видеоагентства «Russia today» на Украине и другие.

В рамках уголовного дела о незаконных методах ведения войны на территориях Донецкой и Луганской народных республик (ст. 356 УК РФ) уже проводится ряд следственных действий, направленных на установление конкретных военнослужащих, членов воинских формирований Национальной гвардии Украины и «Правого сектора», летчиков, артиллеристов, снайперов, которые отдавали и выполняли приказы об авиаударах, артобстрелах и  уничтожении мирных граждан и населенных пунктов на юго-востоке Украины. Кроме того, Следственный комитет России намерен получить из независимых источников данные с космических спутников различных стран, на которых зафиксирован характер разрушений, их количество, а также места дислокации украинских военных формирований. Это позволит следствию составить объективную картину происходящего на юго-востоке Украины. К делу приобщено большое количество фото- и видеоматериалов, доказывающих массовое совершение преступлений против мирных граждан. Уже допрошен ряд российских граждан, в числе которых журналисты, освобожденные из плена, а также украинские беженцы, которые попросили убежища у России, так как вынуждены покидать свои дома из-за преследований со стороны фашиствующей украинской военщины. По данным миграционной службы России, с каждым днем поток беженцев с Украины увеличивается. На данный момент в России приняты ходатайства о признании беженцами и заявления о предоставлении убежища почти от 4 тысяч человек, среди которых более 500 детей. Все они будут допрошены в рамках этого уголовного дела, при наличии оснований они также будут признаны потерпевшими. Всем потерпевшим будет оказана полноценная и квалифицированная юридическая помощь и разъяснено право подачи обращений в Европейский суд по правам человека и Международный уголовный суд.

Что касается лиц, причастных к преступлениям против мирного населения, то СК России намерен привлечь к уголовной ответственности всех без исключения должностных лиц, военных, как непосредственно принимающих участие в карательных операциях, так и лиц, отдающих приказы и финансирующих убийства мирных граждан. В связи с этим Следственный комитет России намерен дать правовую оценку действиям Арсена Авакова, Игоря Коломойского и других.

Следственный комитет призывает всех, в том числе и сознательных граждан Украины, оказать содействие в установлении конкретных исполнителей убийств мирных граждан юго-восточных регионов Украины – военных: летчиков, снайперов, командиров артиллеристских расчетов и других лиц, непосредственно совершавших и совершающих эти преступления.

И пусть не сомневаются  эти «герои Украины», что их «подвиги» рано или поздно получат достойную оценку, которую дадут не их сегодняшние хозяева, отдающие преступные приказы, а российские и международные судебные органы.



Head of Information Centre “South-Eastern Front” Konstantin Knyrik reported that the military razed the village to the ground Semenivka.
– Village Semenivka destroyed completely, there is not a single building. Now seriously, you can tell what’s going genocide of civilians – destroyed factories, destroyed car station, mobile communication is not working – said Knyrik. – At the checkpoints radicals leaving town say women and children, intimidating them, “Go back, we will now have to bomb.”

Head of Information Centre spoke about the situation in other cities of Donetsk and Lugansk people’s republics.

– Force Natsgvardii Ukraine continue to fire Krasny Liman, Slovyansk, Kramators’k, waging war on the outskirts of Luhansk. We get more photos and video evidence that on their side fighting mercenaries. They easily apply any kind of mortar fire. Their goal – to destroy the industry, they need fully Donbass.

Konstantin Knyrik believes that after shelling Sloviansk System Setup “Grad” stage of diplomatic negotiations with Kiev authorities passed.

– We clearly see that the examples of the use of weapons against the civilian population is a huge set. Step diplomatic talks after Kiev applied “Grad” has passed. Going genocide of his people, and the proof of this fact is the lack of drugs in the city. Nobody thought that the government will be capable of such atrocities against civilians.

Eighth of June during the shelling of mortars killed five year old girl. She was in the building as a family center, a shell killed a child with a direct hit. Every hour, receives information about the wounded and dead. Another bomb killed an elderly man when he walked down the street. People Vyacheslav Ponomarev Sloviansk mayor said that the ambulance can not cope with all the challenges.


JUNE 2-2014




The junta in Kiev has announced that they will be carrying out massive military operations (ATO) -Anti terrorist operation- which definition now includes medical doctors, and  children which appropriately was announced on International Children’s Day .


Actually  anyone who is killed by a cluster bomb is instantly classified as a “terrorist” which inspite of the false statements such as “accurate” or “pin-point” cluster bombs  are anything but especially in an urban area. (The current estimated population of Luhansk  is around 425,000)


Encouraged and given the “green light” by western leaders with Germanys’ envoy to the OSCE;  ironically the letters stand  for {Organization for the Security and Cooperation of Europe}
Wolfgang Ischinger on 31-May 2014 calling for “Intensificaton of ATO campaign” while others speak of “conflicting reports” even though there are massive amounts of documented pictures, videos and eyewitnesses accounts of a Ukrainian mig fighter jet carrying out the attack in downtown Luhansk.
Additional pressure from the IMF requires that the junta control all of SE area in order to receive a 15 billion dollar loan.  


With the stepan bandera followers in Kiev  chanting “Russians on knives” and Tymenshenko calling for a nuclear holocaust it becomes clear that the so called “anti terrorist operation” is in fact a genocidal campaign designed to provoke Russia while satisfying the bloodthirsty demands of the IMF, US, and EU/NATO overlords.


All of the nations that have ratified the  UNCRC  (United Nations Childrens Rights Charter) are bound to it by international law.
All UN member states have signed the charter except- South Sudan, Somalia and of course the United States. 
The launching of a massive
military operation  against civilians such as what is happening now in SE Ukraine  would be causing an international outcry were it not for the complicity of mainstream corporatized media which made Maidan appear as a sort of modern day Renaissance festivel. 


The ruthless and brutal crackdown on those yearning to be free by exercising their God given right of self-determination has violated every national and international law and standard with regard to civilians, political opposition, protestors, journalists, victims, media, freedom of movement, elections, the rules of war, non-combatants and the litany of crimes grows with each passing day.
Targeting of  a civil center the Government Administration building in Lugansk illustrates the impunity of being able to classify even a medical doctor (Natalya Arkhipova) a terrorist and dismissing the civilians as “pro Russian separatists”. 
The junta  and all of the actions it has carried it out since coming to power via a violent murderous Coup d’ Eat  (Maidan) have been supported by a cabal of governments, banks and predatory international organizations including the UN.

Illegal Munitions Used in Lugansk Bombing

Ukrainian aircraft dropped cluster bombs on the administrative building in Lugansk. As of August 1, 2010 cluster munitions have been banned after the implementation of the Convention on Cluster Munitions which has been signed by 108 countries. Therefore the junta regime in Kiev can add such a violation to the list of crimes it is committing.



By announcing that it is going to clear the eastern parts of the countries the junta is guilty of one of its most serious war crimes and is guilty of waging a war of collective punishment. The key war crime in launching its operation is defined under the 1949 Geneva Conventions which called collective punishment a war crime.



The collective punishment clause covered in Article 33 of the Geneva Conventions was designed to address events such as the reprisal killings of World War I and World War II.
Nazis of the 3rd Reich were known to have destroyed entire towns and murdered the citizenry therein  when confronting opposition.


The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) Commentary to the conventions states that: “parties to a conflict often would resort to “intimidatory measures to terrorize the population” in hopes of preventing hostile acts, but such practices “strike at guilty and innocent alike. They are opposed to all principles based on humanity and justice.”
Nazi war criminals are once again on the march in Europe and once again must be crushed.








June 2 Luhansk Novorossia the state administration building was attacked by fighter jet that caused death and destruction of the civillian population and infrastructure. Watching these videos can’t help but stir memories of 2_May_Odessa and brings all the painful recollection of crimes against humanity being committed by the criminal junta in Kiev